' 


: 


./■■■v.-   -    -. 


■■■■■-      ■O.-::. 
■  ' 


"vf 


Vk 


When  you  finish  reading  thlt 
magazine  place  a  1-cent  stamp  on 
this  notice,  mall  the  magazine, 
and  It  will  be  given  to  our  soldiers 
or  sailors  destined  to  proceed  over- 
seas. No  wrapper — no  address. 
K.  S.  BURLESON,  Postmaster  General. 


rA^ournahoflDemocracv: 


A  Woman  for  Senator 


The  End  of  "Progressivism" 


The  President  and  Peace 


Published  Weekly 
New  York,  N.  Y. 


October  19,  1918    £££.'.22 


1298 


The    Public 


Twenty-first  Year 


TwoDollarsaWeek 
will  buy  a 

LIBERTY  BOND! 


Anybody  can  buy  Liberty  Bonds  on  the  weekly 
payment  plan.    It's  easy. 

Any  Liberty  Loan  canvasser,  bank,  or  bond 
booth  will  show  you  how  to  subscribe  for 
bonds  on  this  plan: 

$4  down,  $2  a  week,  buys  a    $50  Bond 
$8  down,  $4  a  week,  buys  a  $100  Bond 

You  can  take  just  as  many  Bonds  on  this 
weekly  payment  plan  as  you  can  carry. 

When  you  make  your  first  payment  you  get  a 
coupon  book — a  Liberty  Book — and  on  making 
each  weekly  payment  you  are  given  a  receipt 
to  be  pasted  in  your  book.  You  can  make 
your  payments  at  any  bank  in  New  York  City. 

When  you  have  completed  payments  and  have 
a  receipt  attached  to  every  coupon  in  your 
Liberty  Book,  you  can  take  the  book  to  any 
New  York  bank  and  get  your  Liberty  Bond  in 
exchange. 

Buy  your  Bonds  today 

Those  fighting  Yanks  of  ours  are  on  their  way 
to  Berlin — but  they've  got  four  hundred  miles  and 
some  stiff  fighting  ahead.  They  need  all  the  back- 
ing we  can  give  them — and  need  it  now — need  it 
sorely. 


Dig  Deep, 
Americans! 


Buy  all  the  Liberty 
Bonds  you  can  on  the 
weekly  payment  plan. 

Oversubscribe  the  Fourth  Liberty  Loan 


LIBERTY    LOAN 

COMMITTEE 

Second    Federal 

Reserve  District 

120    BROADWAY 

NEW  YORK  CITY 


Cerotype  Your 
Stationery 


What  does  that  mean? 

JUST  THIS— Make  your 
stationery  attractive,  dis- 
tinctive and  impressive,  with- 
out going  to  the  high  cost  of 
engraving. 

Cerotype  printing  is  a  method  of 
producing  engraved  stationery  at 
low  cost,  and  for  elegance  and  dig- 
nity of  appearance,  this  method  is 
unexcelled. 

Write  for  samples  of  Cerotype  work  and 
prices  on  your  letterheads,  billheads,  checks 
and  other  stationery. 

Frank  McLees  &  Brothers 

2  Duane  Street  New  York 


Four  vital  questions 

i.     What  does  labor  want  ? 

2.  What  about  labor  after  the  war  ? 

3.  Where  does  the  responsibility  for 
poverty  lie  ? 

4.  What  are  the  consequences  of  a  policy 
other  than  "open  covenants  openly 
arrived  at "  ? 

answered  in  four  books 
by  Englishmen: 

ARTHUR  HENDERSON,  M.  P. 
SIDNEY  WEBB 
GEORGE  LANSBURY 
FRANCIS  NEILSON 


The  four  books  by  these  men  cost  $4.00. 
Details  may  be  had  of  the  publisher. 


THIS  MARK  ON 
GOOD   BOOKS 


B.  W.  HUEBSCH  22 5  Fifth  avenue  NEW  YORK 


BANCROFT  LIBRAKf 
ANNu/vvAKiiN6it-r 


1 


r 


1 3  0  <<" 


The  Public 

A  Journal  of  Democracy 

Entered  as  Second-Class  Mailer  January  II,  1917,  at  the  Post  Office  at  Neu)  York,  N.  Y„  under  the  Act  oj  March 
3,  1879.     Published  Weekly  by  the  Public  Publishing  Co.,  Inc..  122  East  37th  St.,  Neu  York,  $2.00  per  year 


Volume  XXI 


New  York,  N.  Y.,  October  19,  1918 


Number  1072 


Contents 

Editorial    Notes 1299 

The  President  and   Peace 1301 

Rampant  Imperialism 1302 

Protecting   Profits 1303 

The   End  of   "  Progressivism  " 1304 

California's    Misfortune 1306 

Politics  in  Minnesota 1306 

Charles    N.    Macintosh 1307 

A  Woman  for  Senator,  W.  M.  Rannells 1308 

Landmarks  and   Horizons,   Georges  Darien 1310 

Correspondence    1312 

Books     1314 

News    Notes 1310 


There  has  not  yet  been  time  to  learn  the  full 
nature  of  the  reception  accorded  by  our  Allies  to 
President  Wilson's  reply.  We  have,  however, 
cabled  reports  giving  the  editorial  comment  of  the 
two  principal  exponents  of  British  liberalism,  the 
Westminster  Gazette  and  the  Manchester  Guard- 
ian. There  seems  to  be  unqualified  satisfaction 
in  all  quarters  with  the  strength  and  directness 
of  the  President's  statement.  The  Gazette  shows 
a  comprehension  of  its  full  meaning  when  it  says : 
"  We  must  stand  resolutely  behind  the  President 
when  he  demands  the  destruction  of  the  Prussian 
military  power  as  a  necessary  condition  of  peace, 
but  while  we  do  this  we  must  also  back  his  ap- 
peal to  the  German  nation  and  make  it  clear  that 
when  they  can  present  their  credentials  as  a  free 
people  we  shall  be  ready  for  peace  on  terms  which 
can  be  honorably  accepted  by  honest  men  every- 
where." In  regard  to  an  armistice,  the  Guardian 
believes  that  security  of  a  severe  order  should  be 
exacted  so  that  the  enemy  may  not  build  up 
afresh  his  means  of  resistance  or  attack.  It  sug- 
gests the  temporary  occupation  of  Essen,  the 
evacuation  of  the  whole  of  Alsace-Lorraine,  and 
the  surrender  of  the  German  U-boat  fleet.  It 
adds :  "  We  shall  not  exact  vengeance.    We  shall 


not  impose  needless  humiliation.  We  shall  cer- 
tainly require  of  Germany  to  do  whatever  is  nec- 
essary for  expiation  and  reparation  and  the 
safety  of  the  world."  French  opinion  appears  to 
focus  upon  the  question  of  .an  armistice  rather 
than  the  general  conditions  of  peace.  This  is 
easily  understood  in  view  of  the  senseless  van- 
dalism being  practiced  by  the  retreating  German 
armies.  The  Temps  says  regarding  the  reply: 
"  It  will  not  consolidate  the  authority  of  the 
Prussian  staff,  nor  the  personal  prestige  of  the 
Kaiser,  nor  the  popularity  of  the  dynasty  or  im- 
perial regime.  The  directors  of  Germany  sought 
public  debate.  They  have  it.  The  first  result  is 
that  they  appear  in  the  eyes  of  their  people,  gasp- 
ing for  peace,  as  the  principal  obstacle  to  peace." 

*  *     * 

It  may  be  expected  that  the  President's  prom- 
ise of  a  separate  reply  to  Austria-Hungary  will 
provide  a  document  no  less  interesting  and  im- 
portant than  that  to  Germany.  Events  have 
reached  a  point  where  skillful  direction  may  def- 
initely break  the  Dual  Alliance.  The  Germans 
themselves  seem  generally  to  recognize  the  hope- 
lessness of  Austria  before  the  tide  of  insistent 
nationalities.  Whatever  the  Dual  Monarchy 
may  become  in  the  future,  the  end  of  the  Haps- 
burg  regime  is  in  sight.  Even  if  President  Wil- 
son's reply  should  drive  away  hope  of  saving 
itself  by  sacrificing  the  Alliance  and  securing  a 
separate  peace,  it  will  make  little  difference  in 

the  end. 

*  *     * 

It  is  related  that  when  Croesus,  king  of  Lydia, 
at  the  height  of  his  power  in  546  B.  C.,  made 
war  upon  Cyrus,  he  first  consulted  the  oracle  of 
Delphi.  Being  told  that  if  he  marched  against 
the  Persians  he  would  overthrow  a  great  em- 
pire he  set  forth  and  was  defeated  and  captured 
by  Cyrus.  It  is  not  known  whether  the  German 
Kaiser  consulted  any  other  oracle  than  his  own 
vanity  or  not.    But  otherwise  his  course  closely 


1300 


The   Public 


Twenty-first  Year 


parallels  that  of  the  Lydian  king.  William  II, 
master  of  the  greatest  military  organization  ever 
created  in  time  of  peace,  and  head  of  an  empire 
rapidly  growing  in  power  and  wealth,  was  in  a 
fair  way  to  become  the  mightiest  man  of  the 
world.  But,  intoxicated  by  ambition,  and  car- 
ried away  by  inordinate  conceit,  he  set  forth  to 
conquer  the  world,  and  was  himself  overthrown. 
Possibly  the  chastened  Kaiser  may  reflect  upon 
another  incident  associated  with  the  life  of  the 
ancient  king.  It  will  be  recalled  that  Croesus, 
who  was  said  to  be  the  richest  of  men,  having 
entertained  Solon  by  exhibiting  his  innumerable 
treasures,  asked  the  Greek  law  giver  if  he  was 
not  the  happiest  of  mortals.  Solon's  answer 
was,  "  Account  no  man  happy  before  his  death." 
*     *     * 

Reports  of  waste  and  inefficiency  in  the  new 
shipyards  and  other  plants  engaged  in  war  work 
continue  to  come  in  from  college  professors  and 
others  who  have  volunteered  for  manual  labor 
in  the  national  emergency.  The  most  common 
story  is  that  the  men  are  not  kept  continuously  at 
work,  and  that  foremen  encourage  either  loafing 
or  a  pretense  at  keeping  busy  that  is  just  as  bad. 
On  their  face,  these  stories  indicate  mismanage- 
ment rather  than  labor  slacking,  although  that  is 
always  encouraged  by  inefficiency  at  the  top. 
The  Department  of  Labor  is  conducting  an  in- 
vestigation, and  the  flood  of  criticism  is  sure  to 
have  its  effect.  Yet  it  is  to  be  doubted  that  the 
situation  is  much  worse  than  the  best  wc  could 
expect.  Anyone  who  has  been  part  of  a  new 
industrial  organization,  thrown  together  almost 
over  night,  realizes  how  inevitable  it  is  that  for 
a  considerable  period  there  shall  be  maladjust- 
ments and  friction  and  waste  motion  and  lack  of 
coordination.  Good  foremen,  who  know  their 
men,  are  as  important  in  industry  as  good  ser- 
geants in  the  army.  The  labor  turnover  in  any 
brand-new  industrial  enterprise  is  always  large, 
and  there  are  always  a  plentiful  crop  of  "  kicks." 
Our  industrial  organization  is  such  that  the  men 
themselves  are  helpless  under  inefficient  manage- 
ment. Anything  like  a  voice  in  the  direction  of 
operations  has  always  been  denied  them,  and 
criticism  is  too  often  taken  as  evidence  of  un- 
due "  freshness."  There  is  no  calculating  the 
economic  waste  of  our  normal  peace-time  indus- 
try, in  which  the  employment  office  can  count 
on  an  inexhaustible  supply  of  applicants,  so  that 
there  is  no  incentive  to  enlist  the  real  interest 


and  genuine  cooperation  of  the  men.  Under 
these  conditions,  superintendents  and  foremen 
tend  to  become  unduly  touchy  and  arrogant.  It 
lies  within  their  power  to  deprive  any  workman 
under  them  of  the  means  of  earning  a  liveli- 
hood, and  with  jobs  as  scarce  as  they  are  in 
normal  times,  this  constitutes  as  arbitrary  a 
power  as  any  that  exists  in  the  world.  And 
arbitrary  power  always  has  been  fatal  to  effi- 
ciency. We  cannot  rid  ourselves  of  the  old  in- 
dustrial evils  overnight.  We  cannot  kill  the 
spirit  of  initiative  and  cooperation  in  our  work- 
ers and  then  invoke  it  instantly  at  will. 
*     *     * 

Some  of  the  speculation  as  to  whether  or  not 
the  Government's  efforts  to  revive  the  use  of  the 
Mississippi  River  as  a  commercial  highway  will 
cause  old  boatmen  to  smile.  The  demise  of  the 
Mississippi  steamboat  was  not  due  to  lack  of 
Government  assistance,  nor  to  any  inherent 
weakness  in  the  business  itself.  It  was  due  to 
unfair  railroad  competition,  aided  and  abetted  by 
the  Government.  The  practice  of  the  railroads, 
sanctioned  by  the  Interstate  Commerce  Law,  of 
carrying  freight  at  losing  rates  from  competitive 
river  points,  while  recouping  themselves  by  high 
rates  from  interior  points  compelled  unremuner- 
ative  rates  to  all  river  points.  Another  means  of 
strangling  the  boats  was  the  power  of  the  rail- 
roads to  withhold  accommodations  to  shippers 
to  interior  points  if  they  patronized  the  boats. 
Still  another,  was  to  ship  western  grain  all  the 
way  by  rail,  instead  of  sending  it  down  the  river. 
It  will  be  a  simple  matter  now  that  the  Govern- 
ment is  in  direct  control  of  the  railroads  to  re- 
adjust rates,  and  to  stop  discrimination  between 
shippers.  It  will  also  be  possible  to  reship  by 
water,  if  that  method  proves  to  be  the  more  effi- 
cient, produce  brought  to  the  river  by  rail.  The 
whole  situation  is  merely  another  illustration  of 
the  evils  that  were  inflicted  upon  the  country  by 
the  privately  managed  railroads.  The  same  rate- 
making  power  that  enabled  railroad  managers  to 
build  up  or  destroy  cities,  and  to  make  or  unmake 
private  business,  had  the  power  to  destroy  a  great 
boating  industry  upon  a  navigable  stream.  And 
it  did  destroy  that  business  at  the  very  time 
that  other  countries — and  even  our  own — were 
building  canals  at  enormous  expense.  One  of  the 
benefits  of  public  ownership  of  railroads  will  be 
the  restoration  of  water  transportation,  so  far  as 
it  may  be  found  profitable. 


•ctober  19,  1918 


A    Journal    of"    Democracy 


1301 


In  these  days  of  outraged  righteousness,  when 
the  heart  is  wrung  by  successive  atrocities  fol- 
lowing each  other  in  such  rapid  order  as  almost 
to  rob  one  of  the  power  to  distinguish  parts  in  a 
monstrous  whole,  it  is  difficult  to  set  apart  in  the 
imagination  any  nationality  or  body  of  people  as 
a.  special  object  of  compassion.  The  bleeding 
Balkans,  devastated  Belgium,  wasted  France, 
prostrate  Armenia,  helpless  Russia,  and  all  the 
cruelties  great  and  small  that  have  been  inflicted 
upon  the  world  during  the  past  four  years  tend  to 
make  us  indifferent  to  suffering  nearer  home. 
Nevertheless,  we  should  not  forget  our  own  af- 
flicted. When  in  all  history  can  be  found  men  in 
such  a  plight  as  the  present  Republican  leaders? 
The  nation  is  prosecuting  a  successful  campaign 
in  a  popular  as  well  as  a  righteous  war ;  the  party 
in  power  is  led  by  a  man  of  unexampled  popu- 
larity ;  and  the  November  elections  are  only  a  few 
days  off.  What  wonder  that  the  minority  leader 
solitary  and  alone  vehemently  denounces  the 
President's  course  one  day,  explains  his  opposition 
the  next,  and  joins  in  the  universal  acclaim  on 
the  third  day.  Minority  leaders  simply  must 
have  an  issue;  and  if  the  opposition  leader  per- 
sists in  doing  nothing  wrong  he  may  be  de- 
nounced in  advance  for  not  doing  what  he  is  cer- 
tain to  do,  and  then  be  praised  for  having  done 
what  the  minority  leader  demanded  he  should  do. 
This  may  appear  to  some  as  small  politics  to  fit 
narrow  minds;  but  the  generous  will  recognize 
the  sad  plight  of  the  little  band  led  by  Lodge,  and 
backed  by  Penrose,  Weeks  and  Wadsworth, 
standing  resolutely  with  their  backs  to  the  future, 
and  valiantly  opposing  the  oncoming  forces  of 
progress.  What  was  Horatius'  stand  at  the 
bridge  when  compared  with  these  ? 

The  President  and  Peace 

Once  more  it  has  been  given  to  the  Presi- 
dent to  do  what  is  beyond  peradventure  the 
right  thing — the  big,  elemental,  simple  thing, 
which  goes  with  absolute  directness  through  a 
world  of  confused  cross-currents,  to  the  result  to 
which  he  and  America  unflinchingly  aim.  In  the 
past  week  events  have  moved  with  as  great  rapid- 
ity, and  to  as  great  transformation  in  the  political 
world,  as  did  the  military  events  of  the  end  of 
July.  The  center  of  gravity,  of  interest  and  sig- 
nificance of  the  war  has  shifted  from  the  mili- 
tary to  the  political  field.    And  there  can  be  no 


shifting  back,  unless  so  great  a  check  should  be 
presented  to  the  Allied  advance  as  to  bring  into 
question  the  power  of  the  Allied  countries  to  en- 
force their  political  demands.  Meanwhile  the 
tide  has  turned  to  victory  in  the  world  of  political 
conceptions.  And  it  is  important  to  grasp  the 
fact  that  this  too  is  a  movement  involving  large 
and  complicated  factors ;  that  its  problem  is  also 
to  carry  a  whole  line  forward,  and  to  compel  an 
enemy  readjustment.  President  Wilson  has  dur- 
ing these  months  since  America  entered  the  war, 
made  it  his  special  task  to  shape  an  army  of 
opinion,  to  train  his  shock  troops  of  moral  pur- 
pose, and  place  his  reserves  of  principles  and 
ideals  so  that  the  Allies  might  reap  the  fruits  of 
military  victory.  The  most  critical  moment  was 
when  the  German  note  of  October  8  arrived. 
There  was  a  double  need;  first,  to  test  the  good 
faith  of  Germany's  proposal,-  to  shake  it  free 
from  the  suspicion  of  trickery,  and  secondly,  to 
move  the  Allied  position  beyond  the  first  childish 
reaction,  which  thinks  in  terms  of  vindictiveness 
and  knockout  blows.  The  German  reply  to  this 
note  of  inquiry  made  it  clear  that  the  proposal 
was  a  matter  of  the  utmost  seriousness,  that  it 
viewed  the  German  cause  as  having  suffered 
military  defeat,  and  that  the  German  nation  de- 
sired to  make  peace  on  President  Wilson's 
terms.  But  the  matter  had  to  be  carried  to  a 
further  stage.  There .  was  already  the  clamor 
of  little  voices,  and  the  louder  Senatorial  babble, 
seizing,  in  a  parrot  chorus,  upon  the  phrase  "  un- 
conditional surrender,"  as  if  all  the  problems  of 
peace-making  could  be  solved  by  the  assertion  of 
overwhelming  force.  And  a  further  lesson  had 
to  be  carried  to  the  Germans.  They  had  in 
the  main  adapted  themselves  to  Solf's  reply,  and 
were  accepting  the  commitment  to  discuss  the 
disposition  of  present  German  territory.  Now 
they  must  face  an  issue  that  cuts  to  the  very 
roots  of  their  system.  It  is  pointed  out  to  them 
that  they  agree,  in  accepting  the  fourteen  prin- 
ciples, to  a  radical  transformation  of  their  mode 
of  government,  one  which  ends  for  all  time  the 
irresponsible  power  of  Kaiserism.  President 
Wilson  makes  it  clear  that  beyond  all  other  ob- 
jectives, the  war  is  being  fought  to  destroy  any 
power  which  can  on  its  own  initiative  use  a  na- 
tion to  precipitate  another  similar  struggle.  The 
Germans  are  thus  brought  face  to  face  with  their 
ultimate  governmental  problem.  It  has  nothing 
to  do  with  William  II,  the  Crown  Prince,  or  any 


1302 


The    Public 


Twenty-first  Year 


other  person.  It  has  to  do  with  the  subjection 
of  governmental  functions  to  the  will  of  the  peo- 
ple. Prince  Maximilian  said  in  his  speech  that 
the  Federal  Constitution  was  to  be  amended  in 
a  way  to  make  the  ministry  responsible  to  the 
legislative  body.  This  must  be  carried  through 
before  the  Entente  Allies  can  know  that  the 
regime  they  are  fighting  has  definitely  and  finally 
passed  away.  Will  it  be  done?  No  one  holding 
in  view  all  the  elements  of  the  situation  can  for 
a  moment  doubt  it.  Germany  faces  not  only 
military  defeat,  but  economic  ruin.  The  pros- 
pect of  boycott  in  raw  materials,  and  general 
limitation  of  trading  privileges  is  for  her  a  denial 
of  national  existence,  which  she  finds  herself 
powerless  to  avert.  What  President  Wilson 
wants  to  bring  about  is  a  world  arrangement  in 
which  the  German  people  can  participate  on  an 
equality  with  all  others.  It  is  because  he  can  in- 
sure this,  that  the  Germans  will  drop  overboard 
their  medieval  dynasty,  and  with  it  their  cult  of 
the  sword. 

Arrangements  for  an  armistice  stand  in  a  dif- 
ferent field.  The  military  and  political  are  in- 
teracting, but  still  two  separate  factors.  Terms 
of  peace  are  imposed  on  the  basis  of  military 
victory.  This  victory  is  either  actual  or  poten- 
tial. It  results  in  the  end,  in  either  case,  in  the 
disarmament  of  the  foe.  If  the  foe  sees  the  in- 
evitable result  of  further  -fighting,  and  desires  to 
avoid  it,  he  will  naturally  concede  the  situation 
that  would  have  been  brought  about  by  a  con- 
tinuation of  conflict.  He  must  surrender  his 
power  of  renewing  the  struggle.  And  the  de- 
gree of  this  surrender,  whether  it  takes  the  form 
of  demobilization  of  men,  of  giving  up  muni- 
tions, or  conceding  frontier  strongholds,  is  a 
purely  technical  military  matter.  In  all  proba- 
bility the  Germans  have  not  yet  reached  the  full 
measure  of  persuasion.  Their  military  machine 
requires  a  further  beating.  Kaiserism  and  the 
military  machine  are  almost  synonomous  terms. 
And  Germany's  new  political  task  will  be  facili- 
tated just  in  proportion  to  the  degree  in  which 
her  armaments  have  disappeared. 

Among  ourselves  the  principal  task  is  now  to 
rise  above  the  vindictiveness  of  war.  There  will 
be  many  who  can  think  only  in  terms  of  penal- 
ties. Surely  these  great  sacrifices  deserve  some- 
thing better.  President  Wilson  can  carry  out 
his  purpose  only  if  we  support  1  im  in  the  en- 
forcement of  his  principle  of  impartial  justice, 


with  "  no  discrimination  between  those  to  whom 
we  wish  to  be  just  and  those  to  whom  we  do 
not  wish  to  be  just." 

Rampant  Imperialism 

I  most  earnestly  hope  that  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States  and  all  other  persons  competent  to  speak  for 
the  American  people  will  emphatically  repudiate  the 
so-called  fourteen  points  and  the  various  similar  ut- 
terances of  the  President. — Theodore  Roosevelt. 

As  a  protectionist,  I  cannot  accept  the  fourteea 
points  of  President  Wilson. — Senator  Sherman. 

Here,  in  these  utterances  of  men  who  have 
come  to  stand  for  American  imperialism  and  all 
that  it  involves  of  privilege,  we  have  a  warning  of 
the  formidable  character  of  the  opposition  which 
President  Wilson  must  meet  from  now  on  in  his 
efforts  for  a  lasting  peace.  As  to  Colonel  Roose- 
velt and  Senator  Sherman  in  their  own  persons 
the  explanation  of  politics  and  partisan  jealousy 
and  antagonism  might  suffice.  It  will  not  suffice 
for  the  men  who  provide  funds  for  Republican 
campaigns,  for  the  National  Security  League  and 
its  associated  organizations.  These  men  have  a 
definite  program.  They  want  protective  tariffs, 
Government  subsidies,  a  State  Department  sub- 
servient to  their  foreign  investments,  an  aggres- 
sive foreign  policy,  a  heightened  cult  of  bellicose 
nationalism,  and  huge  armaments,  with  universal 
military  service.  It  is  not  that  they  fear  German 
trickery  and  an  indecisive  ending.  What  they 
fear  is  that  President  Wilson  will  rob  imperialists 
in  the  Allied  Governments  of  such  a  victory  as 
would  do  for  them  what  German  victory  would 
have  done  for  the  German  imperialists.  They 
understand  plainly  enough  that  the  Wilson  pro- 
gram looks  toward  the  removal  of  privilege  in 
international  affairs,  and  that  its  success  involves 
the  eventual  removal  of  privilege  in  domestic 
affairs  as  well.  For  the  same  business  practices 
which  breed  discontent  at  home,  breed  wars  when 
they  are  extended  to  foreign  fields.  What  these 
men  seek  is  the  prostitution  of  patriotism  to  the 
service  of  ruthless  and  unfair  economic  exploita- 
tion,— unfair  to  our  people  at  home  and  to  the 
people  of  other  lands.  They  want  a  national 
psychology  that  will  give  the  humblest  citizen  a 
thrill  of  pride  when  he  reads  that  a  Rooseveltian 
President  has  sent  a  battleship  to  some  far-away 
little  Republic  that  has  dared  to  interfere  with 
"  American  "  investments.  The  best  way  to  pro- 
duce such  a  psychology  is  to  maintain  a  pre- 


October  19,  1918 


A    Journal    of    Democracy 


1303 


carious  peace.  For  their  purpose,  a  German 
people  smarting  with  humiliation  and  burning 
with  revenge  would  serve  better  than  a  democrat- 
ized Germany  living  in  reconciliation  within  a 
league  of  peaceful  nations. 

The  most  casual  survey  of  President  Wilson's 
fourteen  points  will  give  us  the  measure  of  re- 
actionary opposition  to  his  program.  No.  IV  de- 
mands "  adequate  guarantees  given  and  taken 
that  national  armaments  will  be  reduced  to  the 
lowest  point  consistent  with  domestic  safety." 
The  domestic  safety  of  America  might  conceiv- 
ably demand  a  large  navy.  It  probably  will  be 
held  to  demand  a  navy  of  considerable  size  for 
some  time  to  come.  But  under  no  reasonable 
construction  could  it  demand  a  large  army,  and 
the  demand  for  reduction  in  armaments  to  the 
point  of  domestic  safety  therefore  runs  directly 
counter  to  the  demand  for  universal  military 
service.  That  circumstance  alone  is  enough  to 
earn  for  the  Wilson  program  the  determined, 
aggressive,  organized  opposition  of  America's 
privileged  interests.  For  they  have  decided  that 
the  American  people  is  rapidly  getting  out  of 
hand, — their  hands, — and  that  the  only  hope  of 
bringing  them  back  lies  in  inculcating  in  succes- 
sive generations  of  boys  the  cult  of  blind  and  un- 
questioning obedience.  They  have  not  yet  adopted 
the  goose  step,  and  that  particular  symbol  of  per- 
sonal subordination  to  an  imperialist  state  can 
never  be  popularized  here.  But  they  will  think 
of  something  as  good,  or  better,  and  wish  it  on  us 
if  we  give  them  the  chance.  Equally  unpalatable 
to  them  is  the  President's  demand,  in  Point  No. 
Ill,  for  "  the  removal,  so  far  as  possible,  of  all 
economic  barriers  and  the  establishment  of  an 
equality  of  trade  conditions  among  all  the  nations 
consenting  to  the  peace  and  associating  them- 
selves for  its  maintenance."  The  organized 
propaganda  for  a  protective  tariff  was  never 
stronger  in  this  country  than  it  is  now.  It  is 
being  paid  for  by  the  same  men  who  are  financing 
the  agitation  for  universal  military  service,  and 
it  is  part  of  the  same  scheme.  In  all  this  they 
are  sincere  patriots.  They  are  no  more  engaged 
in  a  conspiracy  against  the  public  welfare  than 
the  I.  W.  W.  was  engaged  in  such  a  conspiracy. 
Each  have  their  conception  of  what  America 
should  be,  and  the  interests  that  demand  protec- 
tive tariffs  and  universal  service  are  convinced 
that  in  serving  their  own  interests  they  are  serv- 
ing the  interests  of  the  country.    It  is  a  reflection 


on  our  state  of  progress  that  while  we  put  the  L 
W.  W.  in  jail,  we  shall  be  lucky  if  we  do  not  put 
this  infinitely  more  dangerous  group  in  control  of 
the  White  House  and  of  Congress  at  the  next 
election.  Yet  The  Public  is  confident  that  we 
shall  not,  thanks  to  the  leadership  of  President 
Wilson  and  the  growing  popular  appreciation  of 
what  constitutes  real  democracy. 

Protecting  Profits 

Senator  Lodge  made  out  rather  a  poor  case 
in  attempting  to  explain  why  the  Senate  could  not 
finish  the  revenue  bill  in  time  to  let  prospective 
bond  purchasers  know  the  amount  of  taxes  they 
will  have  to  pay  next  year.  The  time  was 
short,  it  is  true,  but  discussion  of  the  bill  began 
months  ago;  and  there  is  reason  to  believe  that 
had  the  Senate  devoted  more  attention  to  pre- 
liminary work  on  the  revenue  bill,  and  less  to- 
hunting  mare's  nests  in  Administration  preserves, 
it  would  have  been  in  better  shape  to  meet  the 
emergency.  It  did  begin  hearings  on  the  bill 
before  it  had  passed  the  House,  and  it  might 
equally  well  have  begun  the  work  it  is  now  under- 
taking at  the  time  the  House  began.  The  Senate 
never  accepts  the  House  bill,  but  treats  as  fiction 
the  Constitutional  requirement  that  revenue  bills 
must  originate  in  the  House.  It  has  been  known 
to  amend  the  House  bill  by  striking  out  all  that 
follows  the  enacting  clause. 

But  it  is  the  reason  given  by  the  Massachusetts 
Senator  that  arrests  attention.  Speaking  of  the 
objectionable  feature  of  the  bill,  the  "  enormous 
rates  placed  by  the  House  upon  excess  profits 
and  war  profits,"  he  says :  "  They  are  so  large 
that  it  seems  inevitable  that  they  will  tend  to 
reduce  profits  to  a  point  which  will  dry  up  the 
sources  of  income  taxes  as  applied  both  to  cor- 
porations and  individuals  and  leave  the  business 
organizations  of  the  country  in  a  position  where 
they  will  have  little  money  for  dividends,  no 
money  for  proper  reserves,  and  their  funds  to 
take  Liberty  Bonds  will  be  so  depleted  as  to  have 
a  very  serious  effect  on  placing  the  loans." 

Senator  Lodge's  words  sound  suspiciously  like 
a  revamped  protective  tariff  argument.  "  Protect 
us  from  foreign  competition,"  said  the  manufac-' 
turer,  "  and  we  will  pay  high  wages."  "  Give  the 
moneyed  interests,  large  profits,"  says  the  Sen- 
ator, "  and  they  will  buy  bonds."  His  argument 
may  have  a  plausible  sound  to  those  whose  divi- 


1304 


The    Public 


Twenty-first  Year 


dends  he  seeks  to  protect;  but  to  the  common 
man  it  looks  as  though  he  were  merely  offering 
the  Government  the  alternative  of  paying  for  the 
war  out  of  money  derived  from  taxes,  or  the 
same  money  secured  by  means  of  bonds.  Wealthy 
persons  and  corporations  doubtless  would  prefer 
in  ordinary  times  to  lend  their  available  incomes 
to  the  Government,  rather  than  to  have  them 
taken  in  taxation ;  but  it  would  be  little  less  than 
maligning  a  class  to  suppose  that  at  a  time  of  uni- 
versal sacrifice  like  the  present,  there  were  more 
than  a  few  individuals  who  would  harbor  the 
thought. 

One  wonders  whether  the  Senator's  position  is 
dictated  by  the  fear  that  the  Government  will 
not  have  as  much  money  under  the  heavy  rates 
of  the  revenue  bill  as  drawn  by  the  House,  or 
that  the  rich  will  pay  too  much.  The  immediate 
effect  would  appear  to  be  the  same  whether  a 
man  of  great  income  gave  it  to  the  Government 
in  the  shape  of  a  heavy  tax,  or  bought  bonds. 
The  mediate  effect  can  only  be  conjectured.  Sen- 
ator Lodge  appears  to  incline  to  the  opinion  of 
those  who  say  industry  will  stop  unless  there  be 
goodly  profits.  But  no  sufficient  reason  has  yet 
been  given  for  such  a  prediction.  Industry  is  a 
going  concern.  It  cannot  be  stopped  and  started 
at  will.  If  it  is  to  run  unimpaired  next  year  it 
must  keep  on  this  year;  hence,  selfish  reasons 
alone  would  prompt  the  owner  to  continue  oper- 
ation. 

But  there  is  a  better  reason  why  the  absorption 
of  excess  profits  to  pay  for  the  war  will  not  stop 
industry:  it  is  honor;  or,  more  concretely  ex- 
pressed, patriotism.  The  same  thing  that  keeps 
the  laborer  from  slacking  on  his  job  prevents  the 
rich  man  from  shirking  his  duty.  Individual 
failures  may  be  found  among  either;  but  surely 
Senator  Lodge  does  not  mean  to  intimate  that 
the  rich  as  a  class  must  be  bribed  or  paid  for 
doing  what  the  poor  do  from  a  sense  of  duty. 
That  would  be  to  shake  one's  faith  in  humanity. 
And  if  his  inference  were  true,  if  it  were  a  fact 
that  moneyed  men  would  continue  production 
only  upon  compliance  with  their  own  demands, 
then  the  Government  should  lose  no  time  in 
taking  them  in  hand,  and  showing  them  the 
straight  and  narrow  way  in  which  they  should 
go.  If  civilization  and  all  that  is  involved  in 
progress  has  reared  up  a  body  of  men  who  feel 
no  obligation  to  the  institutions  under  which 
they  acquire,  their  wealth,  the  conditions  and  in- 


stitutions   that    created    them    cannot     be     too 
quickly  changed. 

The  surtaxes,  excess  profits  and  war  taxes 
laid  by  the  House  bill  are  not  too  high.  Rather 
are  they  less  than  what  they  should  be.  Had 
they  been  placed  at  one  hundred  per  cent,  in- 
stead of  seventy  or  eighty,  there  would  have 
been  ample  left  for  reasonable  needs.  To  re- 
duce these  rates  in  the  Senate  will  be  to  mark 
that  body  as  the  millionaire's  friend,  and  renew 
the  irritation  between  classes  that  was  so  evi- 
dent when  we  entered  the  war.  Senators  should 
not  forget  that  they  are  now  chosen  by  popular 
vote,  and  not  by  submissive  legislatures. 

The  End  of  "  Progressivism  " 

The  political  situation  in  this  country  is  being 
rapidly  clarified  as  Republican  leaders,  no  longer 
groping  for  an  issue,  group  themselves  in  a  solid 
phalanx  against  the  policies  of  President  Wilson. 
The  campaign  is  on  in  full  force,  and  the  roar 
of  the  guns  is  heard  from  Montana,  where 
Colonel  Roosevelt  anathematizes  the  organized 
farmers  of  the  West,  to  Washington,  where  Sen- 
ator Henry  Cabot  Lodge  appeals  to  the  passions 
of  hatred  and  revenge  in  an  effort  to  capitalize 
the  baser  elements  of  wartime  popular  emotion. 
Even  the  amiable  Taft  is  recruited  for  this  at- 
tempt to  break  down  the  President's  prestige  just 
when  it  is  needed  most, — this  attempt  that  would 
appear  shameful  and  treacherous  if  those  who 
make  it  were  not  blinded  by  class  and  partisan 
prejudice. 

Colonel  Roosevelt  has  cast  off  utterly  the 
mantle  of  "  constructive  radicalism  "  which  he 
conveniently  wore  in  1912.  Like  a  belligerent 
Government  that  seeks  to  woo  a  powerful  neutral, 
and  then  turns  on  it  with  deeper  fury  when  it 
joins  the  enemy,  so  Colonel  Roosevelt's  resent- 
ment against  democratic  movements  in  America 
mounts  higher  and  higher  as  it  becomes  ever 
more  apparent  that  Wilson  is  their  leader.  The 
farmers  and  the  wage  earners  and  the  liberals 
will  not  follow  me?  Very  well.  So  much  the 
worse  for  them.  They  are  traitors  and  poltroons. 
And  he  turns  as  naturally  ta  the  Chambers  of 
Commerce,  to  the  hard  and  mean  little  men  every- 
where, as  the  sunflower  to  the  sun.  He  is  a  hero 
today  among  the  copper  mine  owners  and  man- 
agers under  indictment  for  the  Bisbee  deporta- 
tions; in  the  clubs  of  Minneapolis  and  St.  Paul 


October  19,  1918 


A    Journal    of    Democracy 


1305 


and  Chicago  where  gather  the  hard-faced  sons  of 
privilege  who  stand  between  the  farmers  and 
their  markets;  in  every  circle  of  the  rich  and 
powerful  who  hold  title  to  mines  and  forests  and 
water  powers  and  vast  stretches  of  lands.  He 
stands  for  them  as  a  bulwark  against  the  rising 
tide  of  the  cheated  and  the  dispossessed.  They 
have  a  blind  faith  in  his  popularity,  and  they  are 
exploiting  it  to  the  limit.  The  Nonpartisan 
Leader,  aggressive  spokesman  of  the  organized 
farmers,  has  exposed  the  method.  A  telegram 
and  letter  from  the  alleged  Washington  agent 
of  a  great  Minneapolis  lumber  corporation  to 
his  chief  at  Minneapolis  shows  how  the  Colonel 
is  being  used  as  a  ballyhoo  to  bring  the  crowd 
into  their  tent.  "  Has  a  great  speech,  meeting 
the  Nonpartisan  issue.  Streets  of  Baltimore 
crowded;  park  where  he  spoke  jammed  with 
thousands,"  telegraphs  A.  A.  D.  Rahn  at  Wash- 
ington to  F.  H.  Carpenter  at  Minneapolis.  The 
Colonel  was  to  speak  at  Billings,  Montana,  on 
Saturday,  Oct.  5,  and  in  Minneapolis  on  the  fol- 
lowing Monday.  Writing  on  Sept.  29,  Mr.  Rahn 
directs  preparations  for  the  Monday  perfor- 
mance. There  is  to  be  a  great  rallying  of  "  the 
boys,"  and  "  especially  those  boys  from  Duluth," 
where  Republicanism  is  a  synonym  for  the  in- 
terests of  the  Steel  Corporation's  mining  depart- 
ment. "  See  Adjutant  General  W.  F.  Rhinow 
and  Governor  Burnquist  and  arrange  to  have 
them  turn  out  the  national  guard  for  parade 
Monday  afternoon,"  read  the  instructions.  "  See 
if  you  can  not  get  the  regulars  up  from  Fort 
Snelling  to  take  part  also.  We  must  have  as 
big  a  military  display  as  possible.  Talk  to  Ad- 
jutant-General Rhinow  and  see  if  all  draftees  can- 
not be  in  the  parade.  This  is  a  good  basis  for 
loyalty."  Mr.  Rahn  is  careful  to  veneer  the  real 
intent.  "  Mr.  Roosevelt  would  much  prefer  to 
talk  on  the  Liberty  Loan,  and  this  should  be 
arranged  if  possible.  However,  if  the  date  for 
his  appearance  is  too  late,  or  if  for  any  other 
reason  he  cannot  talk  on  the  loan,  he  will  put 
up  the  '  loyalty '  question,  especially  with  refer- 
ence to  the  activities  of  the  Nonpartisan  League. 
Get  as  much  data  together  as  you  can  on  the 
Nonpartisan  League,  especially  the  photographic 
copy  of  Mr.  Gilbert's  letter  to  Mr.  Haywood.  .  .  . 
If  possible,  however,  a  talk  on  the  Liberty  Loan 
should  be  arranged."  The  Sunday  morning 
papers  of  October  6  told  us  how  satisfactorily 
the  Colonel  had  performed  at  Billings.    Presum- 


ably he  repeated  his  denunciation  of  the  farmers 
on  Monday,  to  the  delectation  of  "  the  boys  from 
Duluth  "  and  the  banking,  land-speculating,  mill- 
ing, and  packing  interests  of  the  Twin  Cities. 

There  is  no  longer  any  schism  in  the  Repub- 
lican ranks.  Senator  Lodge  at  Washington  is  in 
perfect  accord  with  the  Colonel ;  so  is  Poindexter 
the  Progressive;  and  Mr.  Lissner,  Progressive- 
Republican  leader  of  California,  tells  an  inter- 
viewer in  New  York  that  Hiram  Johnson  will 
not  oppose  the  Colonel  if  the  latter  wants  the 
nomination  in  1920.  Of  this  we  prefer  to  be 
doubtful.  Also  there  are  still  Borah,  Norris,  and 
a  few  others  who  surely  cannot  be  prepared  to 
follow  their  Party's  present  leadership.  Yet  the 
lines  are  now  drawn  clearly  enough  to  bring  us 
within  sight  of  a  development  for  which  we  have 
long  stood  in  need, — the  separation  of  the  sheep 
from  the  goats, — the  division  of  the  country  on 
political  lines  that  really  mean  something,  with 
reaction  on  one  side  and  progress  on  the  other. 
It  is  not  a  matter  of  parties.  It  was  not  the 
Party  Democrats  of  California,  North  Dakota, 
Kansas,  and  Ohio  that  elected  Wilson  in  19 16. 
Our  politics  were  never  freer  from  blind  tradi- 
tional partisanship.  Yet  there  is  danger  as  well 
as  virtue  in  this.  Progressive  citizens  of  what- 
ever party  have  adopted  President  Wilson  as  their 
leader.  But  they  have  not  in  the  same  degree 
adopted  the  Democratic  Party.  Its  machinery 
still  imperfectly  follows  the  new  alignment. 
Much  of  it  is  still  in  the  hands  of  narrowly  par- 
tisan Democrats  who  are  capable  of  using  the 
President's  prestige  for  their  own  purposes.  This 
may  be  unimportant  now,  but  the  time  will  come 
when  all  the  voters  who  meet  on  the  basis  of 
Wilson  leadership  will  need  an  organization  in 
which  they  can  have  the  same  confidence  as  they 
have  today  in  the  President.  It  is  an  opportunity 
for  young  men  and  for  new  women  voters  to 
enter  the  Democratic  Party  ranks  and  make  it 
their  own.  It  is  an  opportunity  for  older  voters, 
and  even  for  men  who  have  been  prominent  in 
the  progressive  movement  within  the  Republican 
ranks,  to  follow  the  example  set  by  Kent,  Heney, 
Murdock,  and  others  and  so  to  complete  the 
democratization  of  the  only  party  that  offers  hope 
of  accomplishment.  We  should  not  then  need  to 
worry  about  the  Party's  tories.  They  can 
weaken  it  and  cripple  its  usefulness  only  to  the 
extent  that  it  must  depend  on  them  for  success, 
and  that  dependence  will  cease  as  soon  as  pro- 


1306 


The    Public 


Twenty-first  Year 


gressives  of  the  North  and  West  overcome  their 
prejudices  and  enter  its  ranks. 

California's  Misfortune 

The  machinery  of  popular  government  has 
seldom  miscarried  to  worse  effect  than  in  the 
recent  California  primaries.  The  Public  has 
been  reluctant  to  believe  that  neither  Mr.  Rolph 
nor  Mr.  Heney,  who  came  out  respectively  first 
and  second  in  the  Democratic  primary  for  Gov- 
ernor, would  be  allowed  to  take  the  nomination 
and  oppose  Governor  Stephens,  Republican  in- 
cumbent, at  the  November  election.  Yet  that  is 
the  result,  under  decisions  by  the  State  Supreme 
Court  that  Mr.  Rolph  is  ineligible  because  he 
ran  also  in  the  Republican  primary  and  was  de- 
feated, and  that  Mr.  Heney  is  ineligible  because 
Mr.  Rolph  defeated  him.  This  leaves  the  Demo- 
crats without  a  candidate  except  for  Theodore 
A.  Bell,  who  has  got  himself  on  the  ticket  by 
petition  as  an  independent.  Either  Rolph  or 
Heney  would  have  made  an  excellent  Governor. 
Rolph  is  Mayor  of  San  Francisco,  a  successful 
ship  owner  and  operator,  originally  nominated 
in  191 1  by  a  business  men's  committee  and  now 
bitterly  opposed  by  the  Chamber  of  Commerce 
and  all  it  represents.  He  had  the  hearty  support 
of  organized  labor  in  his  campaign  for  Gov- 
ernor. Mr.  Heney's  record  is  well  known.  His 
latest  service  was  the  conducting  of  the  Federal 
Trade  Commission's  investigation  of  the  packing 
industry.  Few  men  have  so  persistently  escaped 
adequate  recognition  by  the  voters  for  distin- 
guished, courageous  public  service.  As  between 
Governor  Stephens  and  Mr.  Bell,  most  progres- 
sive citizens  will  favor  the  Governor,  a  mild  and 
canny  "  progressive  "  who  excels  at  compromise. 
He  refused  to  sign  an  anti-injunction  bill  and  has 
dodged*  the  Mooney  issue.  He  represents  the 
greatly  diluted  and  weakened  organization  which 
came  into  existence  around  Governor  Johnson. 
The  more  fundamental  democrats  of  the  Johnson 
regime  supported  Heney  or  Rolph.  As  for  Bell, 
he  began  life  as  a  boy  orator  and  reformer,  and 
in  1906,  as  Democratic  candidate  for  Governor, 
made  an  honest  and  effective  fight  against  South- 
ern Pacific  domination.  In  1910,  Johnson  and 
the  Progressives  had  stolen  his  thunder,  and  Bell, 
embittered,  turned  to  the  reactionary  water  power 
and  public  utility  interests  for  support.  Since 
then  he  has  been  an  attorney  for  these  interests 


and  others,  and  his  star  long  ago  set  as  a  cham- 
pion of  democratic  causes.  That  California 
should  have  to  put  up  with  Stephens  and  Bell, 
with  Rolph  and  Heney  eliminated,  is  a  great  piece 
of  hard  luck  and  a  serious  reflection  on  the  elec- 
tion machinery.  The  situation  is  a  strong  argu- 
ment for  the  reform  urged  by  Governor  Johnson 
in  1915,  and  indorsed  by  the  Legislature  in  that 
year,  to  abolish  party  designations  in  state  elec- 
tions and  substitute  one  free-for-all  primary  that 
would  eliminate  all  except  the  two  receiving  the 
highest  and  next  highest  number  of  votes.  The 
constitutional  amendment  to  this  effect  was  de- 
feated by  the  voters  in  an  apathetic  special 
election. 

Politics  in  Minnesota 

It  is  good  to  hear  that  there  is  no  foundation 
for  the  report  that  President  Wilson  had  in- 
dorsed Senator  Knute  Nelson  of  Minnesota  for 
re-election,  and  that  instead  the  Wilson  Democ- 
racy of  Minnesota  is  working  actively  to  replace 
this  arch  reactionary  with  a  man  whose  under- 
standing of  what  democracy  means  is  that  of 
the  President  himself.  The  land-grant  railroads 
and  the  water  power  monopoly  of  the  Northwest 
never  had  a  more  faithful  friend  in  Congress 
than  the  aged  Senior  Senator.  He  is  a  man  after 
the  late  Jim  Hill's  own  heart.  His  latest  service 
was  his  attempt  to  amend  the  railroad  Control 
bill  so  as  to  guarantee  the  return  of  the  railroads 
to  private  ownership  within  six  months  after  the 
conclusion  of  the  war,  an  attempt  which  belies 
his  claim  to  recognition  as  a  staunch  supporter  of 
the  President,  who  wished  no  specific  time  limi- 
tation in  the  bill  and  who  reluctantly  accepted 
the  eighteen  months'  proviso  on  which  Congress 
finally  compromised. 

The  failure  of  the  Minnesota  Democratic  Party 
organization  to  name  a  candidate  to  oppose  Sen- 
ator Nelson  is  now  explained  as  one  of  those 
practical  alliances  between  the  bi-partisan  agents 
of  reaction  which  are  common  enough  in  states 
where  the  true  public  interest  is  but  feebly  repre- 
sented in  the  controlling  machines  of  the  two 
big  parties.  The  situation  has  been  saved  by  the 
new  National  Party,  which  nominated  Mr.  W.  G. 
Calderwood  of  Minneapolis  for  Senator  and  has 
now  got  him  accepted  by  organized  labor,  the 
farmers  of  the  Nonpartisan  League,  and  such 
Wilson  Democrats  as  Ex-Governor  John  Lind 


October  19,  1918 


A    Journal    of    Democracy 


1307 


and  Chairman  William  B.  Colver  of  the  Federal 
Trade  Commission.  Mr.  Colver's  influential  St. 
Paul  newspaper,  the  Daily  News,  is  urging  Mr. 
Calderwood  as  the  only  candidate  who  stands 
for  the  Wilson  policies,  not  only  of  war  but  of 
reconstruction,  and  Mr.  Lind,  who  is  probably 
closer  to  the  President  than  any  other  Minne- 
sotan,  is  also  an  active  worker  in  the  Calderwood 
camp.  They  are  facing  with  the  greatest  energy 
and  enthusiasm  the  difficulties  of  improvising  a 
state-wide  campaign  organization.  Organized 
labor  and  the  organized  farmers  each  will  con- 
duct their  own  campaign  for  Calderwood,  while 
the  most  active  liberals  in  the  State  are  appealing 
to  voters  in  general  through  the  Citizens  Sena- 
torial Committee.  Mr.  Sinclair,  the  Chairman,  is 
a  Minneapolis  banker  whose  views  on  politics 
and  economics  will  never  make  him  popular 
among  the  leaders  of  the  Bankers'  Association. 
But  his  energy  and  organizing  ability  are  giving 
Minnesotans  something  to  talk  about,  and 
whether  Mr.  Calderwood  wins  or  loses,  the  cam- 
paign will  be  worth  more  than  it  costs  as  educa- 
tional propaganda  in  the  interests  of  true  democ- 
racy. The  candidate  himself  is  a  Minneapolis 
real  estate  broker  who  has  never  held  public 
office,  but  has  devoted  much  of  his  time  to  public 
work  in  the  interest  of  tax  reform  and  prohibi- 
tion. Prohibition  is  not  now  an  issue,  as  Senator 
Nelson  is  also  its  advocate,  and  the  campaign  is 
being  fought  largely  on  the  issues  of  reconstruc- 
tion. The  Calderwood  platform,  which  is  also 
the  platform  of  the  National  Party  of  Minne- 
sota, declares  for  public  ownership  of  public 
utilities,  terminal  markets,  packing  plants,  flour 
mills,  mines,  oil  fields,  forests,  and  water  power ; 
taxation  to  make  immediately  available  "  land 
held  uselessly  idle  for  the  profit  of  speculators ;" 
an  extension  of  federal  control  of  banks  and 
banking  in  order  to  render  monopoly  in  com- 
mercial credits  impossible;  an  executive  budget; 
and  industrial  democracy  based  on  the  declara- 
tion that  "  equality  of  economic  opportunity  is 
fundamental  to  the  liberty  for  which  we  are  at 
war." 

Mr.  Calderwood's  war  record  offers  no  oppor- 
tunity to  the  political  agents  of  the  banking,  mill- 
ing, packing,  and  Steel  Corporation  interests  who 
have  instigated  the  contemptible  persecution 
•f  farmers  belonging  to  the  Nonpartisan  League. 
Even  the  amusing  snobs  who  try  hard  if  un- 
wittingly to  make  Revolutionary  descent  ridicu- 


lous could  not  complain  of  his  record,  for 
he  is  of  Whittier's  family,  and  he  has  been  a 
staunch  supporter  of  the  President's  war  policy. 
He  is  said  to  be  an  excellent  campaigner,  with  a 
wide  acquaintance  reaching  into  almost  every 
village  in  the  State.  Among  those  who  are 
working  for  him  is  the  picturesque  group  of 
practical  democrats  on  the  Iron  Range,  led  by 
Victor  Power  and  Claude  Atkinson  of  Hibbing, 
the  men  who  wrested  political  control  of  the 
iron  mining  towns  from  agents  of  the  Steel 
Corporation  and  then  taxed  the  Corporation 
to  provide  their  towns  with  such  schools, 
libraries,  parks,  and  public  utilities  as  few  cities 
enjoy. 

The  Calderwood  men  are  greatly  handicapped 
by  the  lack  of  any  state-wide  political  machinery, 
except  that  which  they  have  improvised,  and  by 
the  other  difficulties  common  to  every  campaign 
for  real  democracy — the  opposition  of  the  great 
newspapers  and  all  the  other  interests  that  benefit 
from  privilege  and  injustice.  Yet  the  fight  is 
worth  while  in  itself.  And  some  very  shrewd 
politicians  are  confident  of  winning  it. 

Charles  N.  Macintosh 

The  Singletax  cause  has  lost,  through  the 
death  of  Mr.  Charles  N.  Macintosh  on  Sep- 
tember 17,  its  ablest  and  most  active  supporter 
in  South  America.  Mr.  Macintosh  was  born 
a  New  Zealander,  went  to  Buenos  Aires  about 
thirteen  years  ago,  and  in  spite  of  the  novelty 
of  the  country,  its  language,  and  economic  con- 
ditions, and  the  constant  struggle  oi  a  business 
man  making  his  way,  he  carried  the  Singletax 
to  every  part  of  the  River  Plate  Valley  and 
Southern  Brazil.  Later  on,  in  connection  with 
Mr.  Balmer  and  Dr.  Felix  Vitale  of  Montevideo 
and  Dr.  Herrera  y  Reissig,  a  Singletax  league 
was  formed.  This  organization  was  extended 
to  all  the  Argentine  provinces  as  well  as  Uru- 
guay and  the  Brazilian  province  of  Sao  Paulo. 
And  before  his  death  Dr.  Macintosh  saw  his 
movement  a  real  power  in  the  city  of  Buenos 
Aires.  Nowhere  in  the  world  is  the  economic 
remedy  proposed  by  the  Singletax  so  much 
needed  as  in  Latin  America.  The  whole  eco- 
nomic system  is  one  of  privilege  intrenched  in 
the  possession  of  natural  resources.  The  old 
Spanish  estate  system  provides  the  universal 
method  of  land  tenure.    Added  to  this  in  Argen- 


1308 


The    Public 


Twenty-first  Year 


tina  were  all  the  evils  of  speculation,  due  to  the 
rapid  growth  of  prosperity.  The  native  Ar- 
gentines, poor  gauchbs,  with  worthless  land, 
found  themselves  made  wealthy  by  railways, 
wheat  and  alfalfa.  They  became,  and  are  still, 
a  race  of  land  speculators,  leaving  the  industry 
in  the  hands  of  foreigners.     National  revenues 

A  Woman 

/  By  W.  M. 

If  one  has  followed  the  general  run  of  the 
campaign  speeches  this  year,  it  would  seem  as  if 
the  war  and  its  necessities  of  national  cohesion 
and  concentration  had  blotted  out  the  rising  ideal- 
ism of  the  betterment  of  the  individual  and  the 
weakling — the  very  spirit  that  gave  the  war  pur- 
pose of  the  United  States  birth.  The  one  thing 
hammered  on  is  the  winning  of  the  war,  without 
regard  to  the  things  that  must  be  won  with  it, 
or  the  purposes  of  the  newer  civilization  of  hu- 
manitarian democracy  which  were  threatened  by 
things  Prussian. 

It  has  hardly  been  recognized,  as  far  as  the 
campaigning  candidates  have  carried  their  ideas 
before  the  voters,  that  the  forceful  growth  of 
American  principles  is  a  serious  factor  both  in 
the  winning  of  the  war  and  in  the  reconstruction 
that  will  come  with  peace.  In  most  instances  it 
has  been  ignored  with  the  sole  idea  of  getting  be- 
fore the  people  the  idea  that  the  particular  can- 
didate is  behind  the  war — a  matter  of  common 
loyalty. 

In  fact,  it  has  been  regarded  almost  as  se- 
ditious to  give  expression  to  the  fact  that 
economic  conditions  in  this  country  can  still  be 
changed  for  the  better,  and  that  indeed  this  is 
the  one  thing  of  primary  importance  connected 
with  war  aims. 

A  different  note  has  been  struck  in  the 
speeches  and  platform  of  Anne  Martin,  the 
woman  now  running  in  Nevada  for  the  United 
States  Senate.  The  determination  with  which  she 
has  placed  the  ideal  of  humanitarian  democracy 
to  the  fore  has  been  most  striking.  She  has  given 
expression  to  the  needs  of  the  workers  and  the 
need  of  change  in  the  economic  structure  of  the 
nation  as  has  no  other  candidate. 

Very  boldly  she  has  emphasized  the  fact  that 
the  struggle  between  the  profiteer  and  the  pro- 
ducer is  growing  mightier  every  year,  and  will 
come  to  perhaps  a  definite  climax  in  the  period 


are  almost  exclusively  derived  from  tariffs.  It 
was  into  a  field  of  this  sort  that  Mr.  Macintosh 
came,  and  it  was  because  of  him  that  every  coun- 
try in  Latin-America  is  now  contemplating  the 
imposition  of  a  land  tax,  which  will  end  the  old 
system  and  make  Latin-American  democracy  a 
possibility. 

for  Senator 

Rannells 

airectly  following  peace  and  the  return  of  the 
armies  to  civil  life. 

"  Many  corporations,  which  have  in  the  past 
controlled  the  lives  of  workers,"  she  states  again 
and  again,  "  are  determined  to  elect  men  to  the 
Senate  who  will  protect  their  interests  in  the 
coming  reconstruction. 

"  If  they  succeed,  the  sacrifices  made  by  the 
workers  will  be  in  vain.  They  will  lose  the  things 
they  have  fought  for  and  continue  to  be  the  prey 
of  profiteers." 

She  applies  her  doctrine  of  a  stake  in  industry 
for  all  the  workers  to  her  own  state. 

Nevada  is  peculiarly  situated  in  many  re- 
spects. The  land  question  is  the  dominant  is- 
sue. Its  area  is  tremendous,  the  population  in- 
significant. There  is  too  much  land  and  there 
is  too  little  water.  Much  of  it  must  always  re- 
main range  for  stock  and  cattle,  and  the  value  of 
range  land  depends  entirely  on  who  owns  the 
sources  of  water  on  it.  Practically  all  of  the 
land  not  reserved  for  Indians  or  as  public  do- 
main is  in  the  hands  of  a  few  land  and  cattle 
companies  or  of  individuals.  The  water  is  al- 
most absolutely  in  the  hands  of  the  few,  and 
if  the  small  independent  is  not  given  access 
to  the  water,  the  public  range  is  practically 
useless  to  him,  though  abundantly  supplied 
with  bunch  grass  and  other  valuable  stock 
fodder. 

It  is  the  state's  problem  to  bring  land  and 
water  and  settlers  together.  After,  it  is  again  the 
problem  of  the  state  to  keep  that  land  and  the 
water  in  the  hands  of  the  small  farmer.  Settling 
land  in  Nevada  is  a  job  of  many  years — years 
that  cannot  be  anything  but  fraught  with  the 
severest  hardship  to  the  man  with  a  family  and 
but  little  capital.  On  account  of  the  sparsely  set- 
tled condition  of  the  country  and  the  paucity 
of  transportation  agencies,  markets  for  grow» 
crops  are  distant  and  inaccessible. 


October  19,  1918 


A    Journal    of    Democracy 


1309 


Miss  Martin  believes  that  heavy  taxes  on  un- 
developed land  holdings  is  the  only  available 
method,  outside  direct  confiscation,  of  throwing 
open  the  land  to  bonafide  settlers,  as  far  as  the 
land  is  available  for  farming  purposes.  If  the 
land  is  held  by  companies  until  the  water  ques- 
tion is  settled,  the  rabid  exploitation  of  settlers 
is  a  thing  assured.  The  question  of  water  for 
range  cattle  will  always  be  a  source  of  bitter 
dispute — it  has  ended  before  now  in  bloody  bat- 
tles and  in  the  destruction  of  much  stock — un- 
til that  water  is  absolutely  under  the  control  of 
the  government,  to  be  distributed  according  to 
the  exigencies  of  the  local  situation.  The  laws 
covering  it  are  not  explicit  enough  and  work 
along  the  old  idea  that  possession  is  nine-tenths 
of  the  law. 

It  is  the  definitely  expressed  intention  of  the 
government  to  place  such  returning  soldiers  as 
desire  it  on  land  similar  to  this.  Indeed,  Nevada 
has  been  definitely  considered  as  a  vantage  point 
for  this  necessary  work.  It  is  evident,  there- 
fore, that  the  Nevada  land  problems  are  things 
that  must  be  settled  immediately. 

The  struggle  for  irrigating  water  is  common 
over  the  whole  state.  Its  rainfall  is  the  lightest 
in  the  country,  its  rivers  the  fewest.  Conditions 
vary  greatly. 

In  land  drained  by  the  Humboldt,  Walker, 
Truckee,  Carson  and  other  streams,  the  problem, 
as  stated  by  Miss  Martin,  is  to  reservoir  at  the 
heads  and  other  convenient  places  and  store  the 
flood  waters  of  the  spring  and  winter.  The 
farmers  say  that  enough  water  goes  to  waste 
during  infrequent  seasons  of  heavy  rain  to 
water  their  crops  for  years.  This  has  been  true 
this  year  in  the  middle  northern  portion  of  the 
state,  a  section  that  draws  its  water  from  small 
tributaries  of  the  Humboldt. 

A  reservoir  constructed  by  private  initiative 
in  this  region  at  a  cost  of  $150,000  watered  crops 
the  first  year  worth  half  a  million  dollars. 
Farmers  on  the  outside  have  barely  water  enough 
to  handle  one  crop. 

In  other  portions  of  the  state  water  is  drawn 
from  springs  and  artesian  projects  privately 
owned,  with  consequent  unfair  distribution.  It 
is  a  remarkable  fact  that  water  can  be  found 
nearly  anywhere  in  the  state  at  a  depth  of  from 
three  feet  to  two  hundred  feet,  even  in  the  most 
barren  alkali  country.  The  alkali  which  satu- 
rates the  ground  in  some  places  is  another  source 


of  trouble,  augmented  by  the  fact  that  it  no 
sooner  works  out  of  the  ground  than  spring 
floods  inundating  the  river  country  carry  more 
back. 

These  water  problems  must  be  settled  either 
by  private  concerns,  which  will  insist  on  large 
profits,  or  by  the  federal  government,  to  the 
benefit  of  all  the  settlers. 

These  problems  are  all  recognized  by  Miss 
Martin's  platform. 

She  is  determined  that  the  land  holdings  shall 
be  thrown  open  to  the  people  and  that  they  shall 
be  developed  by  the  federal  government  for  the 
benefit  of  the  settlers.  The  sincerity  of  her  pur- 
pose is  not  to  be  doubted.  A  movement  of  this 
kind  is  something  that  Nevada  has  waited  hope- 
fully for  during  long  years.  The  war  has  placed 
it  among  the  things  that  must  be  done  imme- 
diately. 

There  are  other  industrial  problems  no  less 
complex.  It  is  enough  to  say  that  the  mining 
industry  of  Nevada  has  been  hard  hit  by  the  war, 
at  a  time  when  metals  are  badly  needed.  High 
cost  of  labor  and  materials  in  connection  with 
low-grade  gold  ore  has  caused  a  demand  for 
something  that  is,  economically  speaking,  a 
catastrophe.  Serious  men  have  demanded  an  in- 
crease in  the  price  of  gold  per  ounce — something 
that  would  involve  the  rebuilding  of  the  world's 
financial  structure.  Remedies  are  essential ; 
among  others  proposed  is  the  subsidizing  of  the 
gold  industry  by  the  government.  The  suspected 
monopoly  of  smelters,  mills  and  other  ore-reduc- 
ing plants  is  causing  the  yell  of  "  profiteer  "  to 
be  a  constant  and  not  unjust  cry  among  the  small 
leasers.  It  is  significant  that  with  copper  selling 
at  26  cents  a  pound,  leasers  are  not  makiaj  as 
much  as  when  it  was  14. 

Anne  Martin  is  facing  these  problems  bravely, 
and  is  pointing  out  fearlessly  in  her  speeches  and 
avowed  platform  the  methods  necessary  to  solve 
them. 

The  fitness  of  a  woman  to  handle  problems 
like  this,  where  they  must  be  settled  according  to 
sound  principles  or  prove  a  ruinous  detriment 
for  years,  is  of  course  a  matter  constantly  under 
discussion. 

Anne  Martin  was  born  in  Nevada,  has  lired 
there  a  great  portion  of  her  life.  These  things 
were  constantly  discussed  in  her  home.  Both 
her  father  and  brother  held  seats  in  the  state 
legislature  and  the  family  was  active  in  state  af- 


1310 


The    Public 


Twenty-first  Year 


fairs.  Her  people,  by  the  way,  came  originally 
from  Ireland. 

She  graduated  from  the  Nevada  State  Uni- 
versity and  Leland  Stanford,  being  called  the 
"  most  brilliant  woman  graduate  "  of  the  latter 
institution.-  Courses  in  Columbia  were  followed 
by  several  years  of  travel  on  the  continent  and 
studies  at  the  universities  of  Cambridge,  London 
and  Leipzig.  These  courses  dealt  largely  with 
history  and  governmental  problems,  political  and 
economic.  It  was  during  her  stay  in  England  and 
Scotland  that  the  problems  of  the  land  became  an 
active  interest  with  her.  Besides  actual  contact 
with  conditions  at  country  homes,  she  became  in- 
timate with  such  authorities  as  the  Sidney  Webbs 
and  Keir  Hardy. 

She  has  followed  these  problems  actively  and 
keenly  all  her  life.  Whatever  may  be  her  knowl- 
edge of  things  as  they  are  in  Nevada,  and  she  has 
gotten  a  great  deal  from  direct  contact  with 
farmers  and  miners  in  every  section  during  her 
numerous  campaign  trips,  Miss  Martin  is  un- 
questionably a  student  and  "  digger "  of  great 
attainment.  It  has  been  her  hobby  to  go  to  the 
bottom  of  the  problems  that  she  has  set  herself  to 
solve. 

She  was  a  professor  of  history  at  the  state 
university  at  Reno,  1897-01,  and  lecturer  on  art, 
1901-3.  Since  then  she  has  been  chiefly  occu- 
pied in  speaking,  writing  and  working  for  na- 
tional woman  suffrage.  She  was  the  first  woman 
member  of  the  Nevada  Educational  Survey 
Commission  in  19 15.  She  is  recognized  as  an 
authority  on  diverse  subjects,  and  is  a  member 
of  many  learned  societies. 

Miss  Martin's  great  achievements,  of  course, 
have  been  connected  with  the  woman  suffrage 
movement.  Her  fine  executive  capacity  was 
shown  in  the  well-organized  and  directed  cam- 
paign in  Nevada  which  in  1914  won  votes  for 
women  in  that  state.  It  became  apparent  again 
when  she  opened  up  in  the  national  suffrage 
fight  and  became  first  chairman  of  the  National 
Woman's  Party.  From  December,  19 16,  to 
April,  1918,  she  was  in  full  charge  of  the  lobby- 
ing work  in  Congress,  and  in  the  interim  spoke  in 
every  state  in  the  union. 

The  grasp  she  had  achieved  on  national  af- 
fairs at  this  time  was  recognized  in  the  tribute 
paid  her  by  the  late  Senator  Stone : 

"  Gentlemen,  this  little  woman  knows  more 
about  politics  than  all  of  us  put  together." 


It  is  certain  that  she  has  been  a  very  strong 
factor  in  bringing  about  national  suffrage,  now 
well  assured  of  success. 

Her  avowed  object  in  running  for  the  Senate 
now  is  the  logical  end  of  the  fight  she  has  made 
for  votes  for  women.  Since  women  are  taxed 
with  men's  responsibilities  as  the  outcome  of  the 
war,  she  believe^  they  should  have  a  direct  voice 
in  the  government. 

And  thus  the  question  of  her  candidacy  stands. 

Related  Things 
Landmarks  and  Horizons 

IV 

"  What  was  the  proportion  of  liberal-minded 
men  in  the  National  Assembly  ?  "  asked  Leblanc. 

"  About  one-fifth,"  answered  Lerouge;  "  there 
were  just  over  one  hundred  republicans.  All  the 
remainder  was  monarchist  to  the  core ;  had  they 
been  able  to  come  to  an  agreement  between  them- 
selves, France  would  have  been  at  once  saddled 
with  a  crowned  ruler.  But  the  pretenders  were 
too  many ;  there  was  the  Count  of  Chambord,  of 
the  Bourbons  elder  line;  there  was  the  Count  of 
Paris,  of  the  Orleans  House;  all  of  them  ready 
to  devote  themselves  to  the  happiness  of  the 
nation.  The  difficulty  was,  that  they  could  not 
wear  the  crown  at  the  same  time.  So,  their 
several  upholders  concluded  a  sort  of  truce,  ac- 
cepting the  Republic  as  a  makeshift,  a  provisional 
form  of  government  to  be  overthrown  as  soon 
as  the  right  claimant  to  the  throne  would  have 
been  agreed  upon.  How  the  honest  scheme  mis- 
carried, we  shall  see." 

"  That  reactionary  majority  had  been  returned 
by  the  countryside;  was  not  the  peasantry,  after 
the  horrible  experiences  they  had  just  passed 
through,  alive  to  the  utter  wretchedness  of  dy- 
nastic institutions  ?  " 

"  They  were  not,"  said  Lerouge ;  "  and  you  will 
ere  long  understand  why.  The  French  peasantry, 
which  then  represented  seventy  per  cent,  of  the 
population,  had  come  into  possession  of  the  land 
scarcely  eighty  years  before." 

"  A  rather  incomplete  and  precarious  posses- 
sion," said  Leblanc;  and  he  added  sneeringly: 
"  all  the  historians  and  politicians  are  wont  to 
tell  us  that  1789  gave  the  land  to  the  peasant." 

"  The  peasant  was  given  nothing.  What  he 
got,  he  had  to  take  himself.    And  that  has  been, 


October  19,  1918 


A    Journal    of    Democracy 


1311 


is,  and  always  will  be  the  only  way  of  getting  any- 
thing. It  has  been  shrewdly  pointed  out  that  the 
great  movement  of  1789  would  have  been  a  sorry 
failure  had  it  been  confined  to  Paris  and  to  the 
big  towns;  its  success,  so  far  as  we  can  call  it 
by  that  name,  is  entirely  due  to  the  fact  that, 
while  it  was  going  on  lamely  enough  in  cities, 
the  peasants  rose  in  the  country,  burning  the 
castles,  making  bonfires  with  title-deeds  and 
parchments,  taking  forcibly  possession  of  the 
fields  and  of  the  forests ;  there  were  four  Jacquer- 
ies in  succession;  and  it  is  these  Jacqueries,  and 
nothing  else,  which  did  put  an  end  to  the  ancient 
regime." 

"  The  end  is  not  yet,"  sighed  Leblanc. 

"  Granted,"  Lerouge  continued ;  '*  the  upas  tree 
has  not  been  felled  at  one  stroke;  but  it  will  be 
brought  to  the  ground;  the  axe  is  at  it,  and  won't 
let  go.  I  am  sure  of  the  fact,  because  the  peasant 
handles  the  axe.  Mark  my  words — it  will  be 
tomorrow  as  it  has  been  yesterday  and  before; 
the  great  universal  transformation  will  be  carried 
out  by  the  man  with  the  hoe.  In  Europe,  in 
America,  anywhere,  don't  put  your  confidence 
in  city  populations,  in  the  workers  of  trade  or 
industry.  They  may  be  well-meaning;  full  of 
sincerity;  nay,  heroic;  but  they  lack  the  deep 
unity  of  view  which  is  necessary  to  bring  a  pro- 
found social  change  to  a  successful  conclusion. 
It  is  not  their  fault,  but  it  is  so.  Their  minds 
are  solicited  in  too  many  directions;  their  life  is 
sadly  complicated,  and  their  interests  are  dark- 
ened by  the  very  number  of  them;  they  con- 
stantly rub  shoulders  with  Privilege,  its  pomps 
and  its  feasts;  they  hate  it,  no  doubt,  but  some- 
how they  take  side  in  it;  all  its  prestige  is  due 
to  their  sweat  and  to  their  tears,  they  know  it; 
but  for  that  very  reason,  they  keep  a  soft  corner 
for  it  in  their  hearts — as  a  mother  cannot  help 
having  a  special  love  for  the  wicked  and  un- 
»  grateful  child  she  has  suffered  agony  in  bring- 
ing forth.  Add  to  this  the  vanity,  the  levity,  the 
mobility,  the  sickly  sentimentality,  which  are  in- 
variably the  result  of  the  ever-changing,  chame- 
leon-like, aspect  of  big  towns;  don't  forget  that 
they  act  on  the  spur  of  indignation  and  lack 
tenacity  of  purpose — and  spare  yourself  the 
trouble  of  listening  to  any  amplification  of  that 
psychology." 

"  I  see,  your  hopes,  so  far  as  anything  revolu- 
tionary is  concerned,  rest  wholly  on  the  peas- 
antry? " 


"  Wholly.  Of  course,  the  cities  can  do  good 
work.  But  they  must  not  be  depended  upon.  The 
peasant,  on  the  contrary,  can  be  trusted.  Coun- 
try fellow,  clod-hopper,  plowman,  farmer,  yokel, 
call  him  as  you  like,  he  is  the  man  of  one  idea. 
This  idea  is,  the  possession  of  the  land.  I  say 
Possession,  take  note  of  it,  and  I  am  careful  not 
to  use  such  sly  phrases,  as,  free  access  to  the  soil, 
and  so  on.  I  say  Possession,  because  I  am  per- 
fectly sure  of  two  things:  the  first  is,  that  the 
man  with  the  hoe  wants  to  possess  the  land;  I 
mean,  to  have  the  property,  the  full  ownership  of 
it;  and  that  he  rejects  with  hatred  and  contempt 
all  kinds  of  tenancy,  be  the  owner  a  private  indi- 
vidual, or  the  municipality,  or  the  state.  And 
the  second  thing  is,  that  the  man  with  the  hoe  is 
completely  right." 

"  What !  you  uphold  private  property  in  land ! 
But  conservatives  do  nothing  else." 

"  I  am  a  conservative,"  said  Lerouge  coldly. 
"  Only,  I  am  a  conservative  with  common  sense. 
I  want  to  conserve  all  that  has  a  value,  an  ascer- 
tained or  ascertainable  value ;  life,  to  begin  with. 
The  conservatives  you  allude  to  are  the  senseless 
conservatives,  the  vulgar  ruck  of  conservatism, 
deaf,  blind  and  hide-bound;  they  want  to  con- 
serve all  that  is  valueless,  rotten ;  Death  under  all 
its  forms,  and  the  ashes  of  dead  things.  In 
truth,  what  they  wish  to  conserve,  in  land  prop- 
erty, is  not  its  private  character,  but  its  uncondi- 
tioned present  state.  They  stick  in  our  days  to 
private  ownership  because  they  have  it;  but,  in 
case  of  need,  they  would  willingly  accept  tomor- 
row land-nationalization  as  a  second-best  choice ; 
they  know  that,  by  the  application  of  that  absurd 
system,  mankind  would  slowly  but  surely  re- 
trace her  steps  to  feudalism,  and  that  land  mo- 
nopoly would  continue  unabated.  What  they 
are  opposed  to  is  the  rank  suppression  of  Privi- 
lege; and  that,  you  can  obtain  exclusively 
through  the  taxation  of  land  in  proportion,  first, 
to  its  selling  value;  and,  second,  to  the  ascer- 
tained needs  of  the  community;  which  presup- 
poses, unless  logic  be  but  a  corpse,  the  existence 
of  private  property  in  land." 

"  I  think  that  I  am  beginning  to  understand 
what  you  are  driving  at." 

"  Then,  I  have  only  one  thing  to  tell  you : 
don't  stop,  go  on  fearlessly,  and  open  your  ears 
as  wide  as  you  can  the  next  time  I  speak  of  the 
Singletax." 

"What  is  that?" 


1312 


The    Public 


Twenty-first  Year 


"  Nobody  knows  as  yet.  But  never  mind : 
everybody  will  come  to  know.  Meanwhile,  let 
me  add  that,  by  the  side  of  the  financial  or  fiscal 
consideration  pointed  out  above  as  to  the  un- 
avoidableness  of  private  property  in  land,  there 
is  another  and  as  cogent  consideration  drawn 
from  the  necessities  of  cultivation  itself.  Crowds 
of  writers  have  shed  ink  about  the  land  question 
without  having  themselves  ever  touched  a  spade 
or  driven  a  plow;  agriculture,  for  them,  is  a 
calling  like  another,  and  stands  on  a  par  with 
industry  or  trade;  they  have  never  suspected,  in 
it,  the  existence  of  a  soul.  But  I  speak  to  you 
as  a  peasant ;  I  mean,  as  a  man  who  has  tilled  the 
soil,  and  tills  it  as  much  as  he  can;  who,  amidst 
the  ups  and  downs  of  his  checkered  life,  has 
always  kept  the  cottage  and  the  field  left  him 
by  his  fathers,  and  who  has  found  in  them,  while 
turning  up  the  sod  or  tracing  the  furrows,  not 
only  thoughts  and  consolation,  but  the  con- 
science of  things — and,  furthermore,  his  own 
conscience.  .  .  .  Yea,"  said  he  after  a 
while,  "  it  is  there,  when  I  came  back,  many  a 
time,  baffled  in  my  efforts,  laughed  at  and  bat- 
tered down  by  all  the  forces  of  stupidity,  that  I 
found,  while  tending  that  good  earth  who  keeps 
in  her  bosom  the  secret  of  our  salvation,  the 
courage  of  weathering  again  that  man-made 
tempest  which  we  call  Life.  The  earth,  as  I 
was  tilling  her,  has  given  me  the  answer  to 
many  riddles,  and  above  all,  has  led  me  to  un- 
derstand myself.  .  .  .  And  I  can  tell  you 
this,  Leblanc:  I  like  you;  you  are  an  obdurate 
and  self-opinionated  old  fellow.   ..." 

"  I  am  not,"  protested  Leblanc. 

"  You  are,"  retorted  Lerouge,"  and  you  know 
it  well  enough;  still,  I  like  you  very  much  all 
the  same;  I  would  give  a  world  for  you,  had  I 
it  in  my  possession.  But  my  humble  cottage, 
my  field,  my  plow,  my  spade,  no,  would  't  be  to 
save  your  life,  I  would  not  part  with  them. 
That's  the  truth.  I  love  the  soil.  I  am  a 
peasant." 

"  You  are  something  else  besides,"  said  Le- 
blanc ;  "  but  let  that  pass.  Only,  allow  me  to 
tell  you  that  you  are  somewhat  rambling  in  your 
statements.  You  had  undertaken  to  tell  me  the 
truth  about  the  question  of  Alsace-Lor- 
raine.  ..." 

"  And  what  else  am  I  doing  ?  "  asked  Lerouge. 
"  Have  I  not  told  you  that  the  French  peasantry, 
in    February,    1871,    had  sent  to  the  National 


Assembly  a  big  reactionary  majority?  Had  I 
not,  therefore,  to  explain  why  they  did  so  ?  " 

"  You  had ;  and  I  approve  of  your  opening  a 
parenthesis;  but.    ..." 

"  You  would  like  it  closed  now,  wouldn't 
you?  "  interrupted  Lerouge.  "  Well,  I  am  sorry, 
but  it  must  stand  ajar  for  a  while." 

Georges  Darien. 
Paris. 

{To  be  continued) 

Correspondence 
The  Bolsheviki 

To  the  Editor  of  The  Public  : 

Permit  me,  in  my  blindly  partisan  way,  to  comment 
briefly  on  the  article,  "The  Bolsheviki,"  in  your  num- 
ber of  September  28. 

No  one  who  knows  Russia  today  will  object  very 
strongly  to  the  generalizations  about  the  nature  of  Rus- 
sian Socialism — although  they  are  extreme  generaliza- 
tions. But  he  will  resent  the  author's  whimsical  con- 
tempt for  the  intellect  and  originality  of  the  Bolshevik 
leaders,  as  instanced  in  anecdotes  describing  his  witty 
debates  with  the  Bolsheviki.  "  Who  knows,"  he  says, 
"  but  the  writer  may  be  responsible  for  some  of  the 
'  logical '  policies  of  the  Bolsheviki  ?  " 

Your  correspondent  demonstrates  again  and  again 
that  he  does  not  know  what  the  Soviet  Government 
signifies,  when  he  says  such  things  as,  "  If  you  want  to 
know  ....  why  the  peasantry  of  Russia  is  scarcely 
allowed  a  word  in  Russian  affairs,"  and  "  The  peasantry 
in  Russia,  economically  isolated  and  not  even  practis- 
ing barter  exchange,  have  no  political  connection  with 
the  central  government." 

In  the  light  of  the  known  facts,  such  statements  are 
absurd.  The  Russian  peasantry  has  an  absolutely  equal 
representation  in  the  Soviet  Government  with  the  in- 
dustrial workers  of  Moscow  and  Petrograd,  who  are 
pictured  in  your  article  as  being  the  sole  bosses  of 
Russia.  And  Lenin,  who  is  represented  as  being  with- 
out any  knowledge  of  our  interest  in  the  peasantry,  is, 
in  fact,  the  author  of  many  large  volumes  upon  the 
question  of  agrarian  reforms. 

Another  perversion  of  fact  which  is  current  in  the 
reactionary  press,  and  to  which  you  lend  your  favor, 
or  seem  to,  is  the  story  of  Russia  split  into  many  inde- 
pendent and  mutually  hostile  governments.  Look  at 
your  map  of  Russia.  Nowhere — future  histories  will 
bear  me  out — nowhere  in  Russia  is  there  any  other  Gov- 
ernment but  the  Soviet  Government,  unless  it  be  sup- 
ported by  foreign  bayonets. 

The  liberal  press  of  Europe  does  not  repeat  these 
absurdities.  But  the  American  "  journals  of  democ- 
racy "  reiterate  them  month  after  month. 

The  Public,  in  particular,  has  consistently  misun- 
derstood the  Russian  situation.     And  there  is  nothing 


October  19,  1918 


A    Journal    of    Democracy 


1313 


left  for  us  who  know  the  facts,  but  to  appeal  to  the 
judgment  of  historians  after  the  war. 

John  Reed. 
New  York. 

The  Dread  of   "  Capitalism  " 

To  the  Editor  of  The  Public: 

As  long  ago  as  last  December  the  writer  urged 
through  some  newspaper  letters,  and  continued  for 
months  so  to  urge,  a  relief  (Red  Cross?)  mission 
with  supplies  for  the  Russian  people,  having  a  need- 
ful and  sufficient  composite  "  police "  military  force, 
for  charity's  sake  (no  one  knows  what  the  awfulness 
is  to  be  of  the  coming  winter),  and  to  anchor  Amer- 
ica in  the  people's  hearts.  The  Bolsheviki  could  not 
well  have  opposed  such  an  "  intervention,"  and  it 
would  have  forestalled  their  antagonistic  attitude,  and 
perhaps  saved  a  horrible  cataclysm.  This  scheme  rec- 
ommended itself  to  some  of  the  President's  advisers, 
and  its  neglect  was  wholly  due  to  the  urgency  of  a 
group  of  persons  whose  dread  of  "  capitalism  "  made 
them  anxious  that  the  United  States  should  recognize 
actually  the  Bolshevik  "  government."  Your  corre- 
spondent seems  to  share  such  views,  though  the  group 
— perfectly  well  known — has  been  so  much  discredited 
by  the  event.  "  Red  radicalism "  has  no  faith  in  the 
"  regenerative  power  of  true  democracy."  It  does  not 
in  the  least  appreciate  that  the  coordination  and  compre- 
hension of  the  war  are  doing  more  to  bring  the 
"  classes "  together  than  all  the  dark  plots  attributed 
to  the  "  plutocrats  "  can  undo. 

When  the  great  enemy  of  democracy  is  destroyed, 
it  may  chance  to  be  seen  that  the  chief  hindrance  to 
the  new  birth  which  is  hoped  for,  under  Mr.  Wil- 
son's leadership,  will  be  the  hidden  animosities  cre- 
ated or  kept  alive  by  the  conceit  of  those  who  thought 
everything  depended  upon  untimely  effervescence. 

Erving  Winslow. 

New  Haven,  Conn. 

The  Reign  of  Terror 

To  the  Editor  of  The  Public: 

The  Bolsheviki  are  executing  "  enemies  of  the  Soviet 
Republic "  in  such  large  quantities,  and  have  inaugu- 
rated such  a  reign  of  terror  in  Russia,  that  President 
Wilson  has  felt  obliged  to  request  that  they  be  declared 
outlaws. 

May  we  not  profitably  draw  a  parallel  between  the 
situation  in  Russia  to-day,  and  the  situation  in  France 
at  the  time  of  the  French  Revolution?  I  quote  from 
Morse  Stephens'  "  History  of  the  French  Revolution," 
Vol.  II.,  beginning  on  page  233. 

"  It  is  very  obvious  that  it  was  the  foreign  war  [1792] 
which  had  developed  the  progress  of  the  Revolution 
with  such  astonishing  rapidity  in  France.  It  was  Bruns- 
wick's manifesto  which  mainly  caused  the  attack  on 
the  Tuileries  on  August  10.  [This  manifesto  cf  the 
Prussian  general  ordered  the  French  people  to  submit 
to  their  king.]      It  was  the  surrender  of  Verdun    [to 


the  Prussians,  September  2,  1792]  which  directly  caused 
the  massacres  of  September.  It  was  the  defeat  at  Neer- 
winden  which  established  the  Revolutionary  Tribunal." 

"With  the  death  of  the  King  [January  21,  1793]  the 
history  of  the  Revolution  deepens  in  gloom.  No  longer 
are  casual  riots  and  loss  of  single  lives  of  enough  im- 
portance to  be  mentioned.  Men  on  the  frontiers,  in 
Paris  and  in  every  provincial  city,  in  the  woods  of  La 
Vendee  and  in  the  workshops  of  Lyons,  now  die  in 
hundreds,  and  owed  their  fate  to  the  terrible  swiftness 
with  which  the  Revolution  progressed.  This  bitterness 
in  the  revolutionary  spirit  was  due  to  the  foreign  war. 
While  the  country  was  at  peace  there  might  have  been 
riots,  indeed,  but  there  would  have  been  a  quiet  devel- 
opment of  a  new  regime.  But  the  foreign  war  had 
introduced  a  fresh  sentiment,  and  most  Frenchmen 
grew  fiercer  against  royalty,  and  all  idea  of  opposi- 
tion to  the  Revolution.  ...  It  was  the  foreign  war 
which  caused  the  organization  of  the  system  of  the 
Terror."  Perley  Doe. 

Denver,  Colo. 

Street  Railway  Fares 

To  the  Editor  of  The  Public: 

Referring  to  the  last  editorial  paragraph  on  page  1164 
(September  14),  you  hardly  give  a  fair  impression. 
Under  the  regulation  made  by  Tom  Johnson,  the  fares 
in  Cleveland  have  been  raised,  and  whether  transfers 
were  ever  free  under  his  system,  they  are  now  paid 
for,  so  that  carfares  have  hardly  ever  been  more  than 
one  cent  cheaper  than  in  New  York  and  are  now  con- 
siderably more.  It  does  not  do  for  us  radicals  not  to  tell 
the  whole  truth  and  nothing  but  the  truth.  Incidentally, 
the  layout  of  Cleveland,  in  which  practically  all  the 
important  streets  converge  to  the  Square,  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  which  is  concentrated  practically  all  the 
important  retail  and  wholesale  businesses,  makes  the 
problem  much  simpler  than  it  is  in  New  York  or 
Chicago,  for  example.  Certainly  the  recent  reorganiza- 
tions of  both  the  great  street  car  companies  in  New 
York  left  them  with  very  little,  if  any,  water  in  the 
stocks.  Moreover,  lower  fares  will  only  increase  land 
values  and  raise  rents.    They  will  not  benefit  the  riders. 

Sidney  C.  Lewi. 

New  York  City. 

Women  Wanted 

To  the  Editor  of  The  Public  : 

There  is  much  that  seems  to  me  praiseworthy  in 
Blanche  Dismorr's  criticism  of  "  Women  Wanted " 
(Public,  September  7),  and  perhaps  it  is  simply  awk- 
ward phraseology  which  gives  the  passage :  "  Will  the 
vote  and  the  pay  envelop  compensate  the  woman  of  the 
generation  that  is  just  maturing  for  not  being  wanted 
by  lover  or  child  as  long  as  she  lives?"  its  unpleasant 
sound;  but  the  rest  of  this  article  is  clear  enough. 
There  are  few  doubles  entendres  in  it,  so  I  cannot  help 
thinking  that  here,  too,  the  authoress  knows  what  she 
is  saying — for  which  reason  I  wish  to  criticize  her. 


1314 


The    Public 


Twenty-first  Year 


Why  should  s  woman  not  be  wanted  as  much  as 
under  present  conditions — more  than  under  them — 
when  she  is  helping  the  family,  serving  it  in  just  one 
more  way — financially  and  economically?  I  fear  that 
Miss  Dismorr  believes  that  industrialism  will  unsex 
woman,  remove  her  bloom,  her  charm,  both  of  which 
were  so  essential  to  her  being  "  wanted  "  by  her  children 
and  her  husband.  She  would  probably  assert  that  present 
conditions  are  more  favorable  to  the  preservation  of 
glamour  by  reason  of  the  accessibility  of  the  rouge 
stick,  face  powder,  and  the  porch  swing.  But  I  am 
inclined  to  think  that  well  ventilated,  sunlit  factories, 
with  very  little  hard  manual  labor,  dust,  dirt  and  grease, 
and  regular  intervals  set  aside  for  gymnastics,  would 
tend  much  farther  in  that  direction,  and  thus  diminish 
her  reason  for  woman  not  being  "  wanted." 

Edmund  Kiernan,  Pvt. 

Camp  Greenleaf,  Ga. 

Books 
Negro  Education 

Education  for  Life.  The  Story  of  Hampton  Institute.  By 
Francis  G.  Peabody.  Doubleday,  Page  and  Company.  Price 
$2.50  net. 

The  fiftieth  anniversary  of  the  founding  of  Hamp- 
ton Institute,  which  occurred  this  year,  has  been  made 
the  occasion  of  issuing  to  the  world  a  statement  of  its 
work  by  Mr.  Peabody,  who,  as  a  member  of  the  Board 
of  Trustees,  has  had  exceptional  opportunities  for  ob- 
serving its  activities.  Briefly  stated,  the  book  sketches 
conditions  at  the  close  of  the  Civil  War,  the  economic 
prostration,  the  political  confusion,  the  race  antagonism, 
and  the  sectional  bitterness.  Individual  attempts  were 
made  by  philanthropists  to  aid  the  Negro  by  means  of 
schools,  and  political  efforts  found  expression  in  the 
Freedmen's  Bureau  and  similar  agencies.  But  philan- 
thropy was  sadly  inadequate  for  such  a  stupendous 
task;  national  endeavors  were  vitiated  by  partisan  poli- 
tics ;  and  the  North  and  South  became  more  estranged 
during  the  period  of  reconstruction  than  by  the  Civil 
War.  But  during  those  days  of  intense  feeling  agencies 
were  at  work  in  modest  and  humble  ways  to  bring  about 
better  conditions.  Among  these  agencies  was  Hampton 
Institute  and  its  founder,  General  Samuel  Chapman 
Armstrong. 

Hampton  cannot  be  understood  until  the  reader  knows 
General  Armstrong.  It  is  not  a  prosy  and  perfunctory 
biography,  however,  that  the  author  sets  forth,  but  a 
sympathetic  history  of  an  exceptional  man  and  his  work; 
for  though  many  men  and  women  have  devoted  their 
lives  to  the  same  cause,  it  may  be  doubted  if  any  has 
shown  greater  wisdom  and  foresight  in  the  work.  It 
was  not  a  simple  matter  by  any  means,  this  problem  of 
educating  the  Negro.  On  the  one  hand  was  the  impa- 
tient and  unappreciative  North  that  thought  all  that  was 
necessary  was  to  set  up  New  England  school  houses, 
and  the  work  would  be  done;  while  on  the  other  hand 
the  prostrate  and  suffering  South  felt  that  the  Negro 
was  not  fitted  for  education.  Between  the  two  lay  the 
unfortunate  cause  of  the  estrangement.    The  need  was 


for  practical-minded  men  and  women,  who  not  only 
could  educate  the  Negro,  but  who  could  do  it  in  a  way 
to  make  the  whites  appreciate  that  education. 

General  Armstrong  was  peculiarly  qualified  for  that 
work.  The  son  of  an  American  missionary  living  in 
the  Hawaiian  Islands  and  educated  with  the  natives,  he 
already  had  a  fine  appreciation  of  the  race  question 
when  as  a  young  man  he  returned  to  this  country  to 
finish  his  education.  The  example  of  his  father's  work 
among  the  Hawaiians  enabled  him  to  grasp  the  Negro 
problem  better  than  our  native  born ;  for  he  had  seen 
the  handicap  under  which  a  backward,  or  perhaps  one 
should  say  neglected,  race  labors,  and  at  the  same  time 
he  understood  the  feeling  of  the  more  advanced  races. 
To  this  he  added  deep  religious  convictions  that  enabled 
him  to  appeal  to  the  emotional  nature  of  the  Negro.  So 
that,  taking  everything  into  consideration,  it  may  be 
doubted  if  any  man  was  better  qualified  for  his  work. 

Character  was  of  primal  essence  in  all  of  General 
Armstrong's  thought.  Education,  as  he  conceived  it, 
was  not  for  the  purpose  of  making  scholars  or  teaching 
professions,  but  for  making  men  and  women,  or,  as 
the  author  has  phrased  it,  "  education  for  life."  As  a 
woman  graduate  afterward  wrote :  "  I  thought  I  was  well 
acquainted  with  the  three  R's,  but  I  have  found  that  the 
three  R's  of  importance  are  Religion,  Respect  for  Rules 
and  Responsibility."  But  these  again  are  merely  words. 
Religion  to  the  great  mass  of  the  freedmen  was  but  a 
modified  form  of  voo-dooism.  Respect  for  rules  was 
associated  with  the  fear  of  the  lash  rather  than  the 
promptings  of  conscience.  And  responsibility  was  an 
idea  that  had  to  be  instilled  into  a  mind  associated  with 
ownership  by  another,  now  charged  with  ownership  of 
itself.  These  are  easy  words  to  say,  but  it  is  altogether 
a  different  matter  to  make  them  real.  As  General  Arm- 
strong put  it:  "Ideas  take  root  in  a  moment,  habits 
only  in  a  generation." 

But  who  was  willing  at  that  time  to  wait  a  generation 
to  see  ideas  grow  into  habits?  The  North  thought  the 
teaching  of  the  three  R's  would  immediately  transform 
the  Negro  into  a  being  equal  in  every  way  to  the  white 
race ;  while  the  South  believed  the  Negro  was  physically 
incapable  of  ever  acquiring  the  attributes  of  the  civilized 
races.  And  of  the  two  it  may  be  doubted  if  the  impa- 
tience of  the  North  did  not  in  the  end  result  in  more 
harm  than  the  prejudice  of  the  South.  For  it  led  to 
an  era  of  political  debauchery,  in  which  political  ad- 
venturers capitalized  the  ignorance  and  inexperience  of 
the  Negroes,  and  confirmed  the  Southern  whites  in  their 
belief  that  the  black  man  was  incapable  of  assuming  the 
full  responsibilities  of  the  white  man. 

Some  of  the  attempts  made  by  zealous  and  self-deny- 
ing missionary  teachers  utterly  antagonized  local  opin- 
ion, and  did  little  more  than  create  a  condition  of  im- 
potent unrest  among  the  Negroes ;  but  a  few  grasped 
the  broader  view,  and  possessed  the  patience  to  work 
and  wait.  Of  these  General  Armstrong  may  be  placed 
among  the  first.  His  was  the  practical  mind.  He  re- 
alized that  however  much  learning  an  individual  Negro 
isolated  from  race  and  former  environment  might  ac- 
quire it  would  not  convince  the  Southern  whites  that 
the  mass  of  black  people  could  or  should  be  so  edu- 


October  19,  1918 


A    Journal    of    Democracy 


1315 


catcd.  But  he  believed  that  if  young  men  and  women 
could  be  given  a  course  of  social,  religious,  industrial 
and  intellectual  training  that  would  enable  them  to 
go  back  among  their  people  and  live  that  life  there 
would  be  a  positive  and  permanent  gain. 

This  was  the  mission  of  General  Armstrong.  By  his 
twenty-five  years  of  patient  endeavor  he  built  up  an  in- 
stitution that  trained  and  distributed  among  their  peo- 
ple Negroes  who  by  their  example  convinced  the  better 
class  of  whites  not  only  that  the  Negro  can  be  edu- 
cated, but  that  there  is  nothing  else  that  can  be  done 
with  him.  To  say  that  he  did  this  great  work,  how- 
ever, is  not  to  fully  measure  his  worth  unless  account 
be  taken  of  the  obstacles  he  had  to  overcome.  When 
one  considers  the  labor  and  self-sacrifice  that  such  a 
life  involves,  and  realizes  the  rare  qualities  of  the  men 
and  women  who  dedicate  themselves  to  the  task,  one 
might  suppose  that  unlimited  means  would  be  placed  at 
their  disposal.  This,  however,  was  far  from  being  the 
case.  The  money  contributed  by  Congress  was  pitiably 
small.  A  member  would  feel  insulted  if  offered  the 
yearly  contribution  to  Hampton  to  build  a  postoffice  in 
one  of  the  smaller  towns  in  his  district ;  while  the  whole 
amount  of  public  revenue  received  from  the  date  of 
foundation  down  to  the  present  time  would  not  equal 
appropriations  made  for  rivers  and  harbors  that  never 
have  had  any  commerce.  It  is  illustrative  of  our  hap- 
hazard way  of  doing  things  that  the  man  who  did  this 
great  work  was  compelled  to  spend  much  of  his  time 
and  strength  on  begging  tours  to  raise  money  to  keep 
the  Institute  running. 

That,  however,  was  not  altogether  time  wasted.  While 
it  limited  the  number  of  black  students  that  he  could 
care  for,  it  enabled  him  to  educate  the  white  people 
among  whom  he  went  for  money.  "I  was  forced  to 
get  money,"  he  writes  of  a  tour  to  New  England,  "to 
pay  the  pressing  way  of  the  school  or  let  it  go  to  the 
wall;  and  at  it  I  went  with  all  my  might,  and  haven't 
had  a  day's  rest  in  two  months.  It  is  hard,  this  beg- 
ging— it  takes  all  one's  nervous  and  physical  strength 
even  when  people  are  kind  and  polite,  as  they  usually 
are.  It  is  never,  and  never  can  be,  easy."  Yet  at  that 
time  he  deprecated  Federal  aid  for  such  schools,  lest 
it  lead  to  the  evils  that  accompanied  the  Freedmen's 
Bureau,  and  cause  more  harm  than  good.  He  did  come 
to  see,  however,  toward  the  end  of  his  life  that  care- 
fully distributed  Federal  aid  might  be  safely  given  in 
the  poorer  districts  of  the  South. 

This  question  of  Federal  aid  to  education  is  one 
that  lingers  after  the  book  is  closed.  "Taking  into  con- 
sideration," the  author  says,  "sixteen  Southern  States, 
the  District  of  Columbia,  and  Missouri,  with  a  popula- 
tion in  1916  of  23,682,352  whites  and  8,906,879  Negroes, 
and  of  children  between  six  and  fourteen  years  of  age 
numbering  4,889,762  whites  and  2,023,108  Negroes,  it 
appears  that  the  average  salary  of  a  teacher  in  white 
schools  was  $10.32  per  pupil  and  in  black  schools  $2.89, 
and  that  the  percentage  of  illiteracy  in  whites  was  7.7 
per  cent  and  among  colored  33.3  per  cent."  One  of 
the  after-war  problems  is  going  to  be  education,  and 
it  will  be  found  of  inestimable  value  that  such  institu- 
tions as  Hampton  and  Tuskegee,  whose  founder,  Booker 


Washington,  was  a  product  of  Hampton,  have  prepared 
the  way  for  a  getting  together  of  whites  and  blacks  to 
work  out  their  common  destiny. 

But  General  Armstrong,  great  as  he  proved  himself 
to  be,  was  not  all  there  was  of  Hampton.  Hollis  Burke 
Frissell,  who  worked  with  Armstrong  during  his  later 
years,  and  who  was  head  of  the  Institute  during  its 
second  quarter  of  a  century,  caught  the  old  General's 
enthusiasm  and  inspiration  and  upheld  his  ideals. 
Lack  of  space  prevents  one  from  dwelling  longer  on 
this  fascinating  story  of  human  endeavor.  Suffice  it  to 
say  that  the  author  has  done  his  countrymen  and  the 
world  a  great  service  in  setting  forth  the  life  and  work 
of  the  men  and  women  who  built  up  Hampton  Insti- 
tute, whose  ideal  has  been  "education  for  life." 


American   Ideals 

Letters  and  Leadership.  By  Van  Wyck  Brooks.  Published 
by  B.  W.  Huebsch,  New  York,  1918.     Price,  $1.00. 

The  Hive.  By  Will  Levington  Comfort.  Published  by  George 
H.  Doran  Company,  New  York,  1918.     Prite,   $1.50. 

"  To  love  life,  to  perceive  the  miraculous  beauty 
of  life,  and  to  seek  for  life,  swiftly  and  effectively,  a 
setting  worthy  of  its  beauty — this  is  the  acme  of  civili- 
zation, to  be  attained,  whether  by  individuals  or  by 
nations,  only  through  a  long  and  arduous  process."  It 
is  in  this  saving  perception  that  the  author  of  "  Letters 
and  Leadership "  finds  the  American  nation  lacking, 
and  in  this  searching  and  stimulating  book  he  voices  a 
profound  concern  for  its  creative  life.  At  a  time  like 
the  present,  when  there  is  need  and  opportunity  for 
men  of  power  and  vision,  no  great  cultural  leaders 
have  arisen;  creative  desire  exists,  it  is  true,  but  it  is 
in  a  chaotic  state,  handicapped  by  the  absence  of  a 
vital  tradition  which  would  have  provided  high  stand- 
ards for  emulation  and  a  public  capable  of  distinguish- 
ing between  what  is  great  and  what  is  merely  clever. 
In  the  European  countries,  where  there  is  a  higher  level 
of  general  culture  and  discrimination  the  artist  can 
find  the  cooperation  that  he  needs  in  order  to  do  his 
best  work,  he  can  expect  and  exact  recognition  of  its 
quality  as  art  and  not  as  business,  but  in  America 
critics  and  artists  alike  are  without  standards  by  which 
to  measure  their  achievements,  for  old  ones  no  longer 
hold  good  and  new  ones  are  not  yet  formulated. 

According  to  Mr.  Brooks  American  cultural  tradi- 
tions have  lost  much  of  their  value  through  their 
divorce  from  the  actual  life  and  experience  of  the  pres- 
ent day;  they  are  the  legacy  of  the  Puritan  and  the 
pioneer  and  take  the  form  of  transcendentalism  or 
industrialism ;  art  is  ethical,  academic  or  commercial, 
and  devoid  of  human  values.  Religion,  science,  phil- 
osophy, literature  have  become  externalized,  they  are 
considered  merely  as  aids  to  practical  life  and  quick 
returns  are  demanded.  Imaginative  and  emotional 
expression  is  treated,  not  as  a  living  and  growing  thing, 
as  something  vital  to  experience,  but  as  a  kind  of 
drug  that  will  help  the  weary  and  heavy-laden  "  to 
forget."  Industrialism,  which  is  largely  responsible 
for  this  state  of  things,  exists  in  Europe  also,  but  there 
the  artists,  supported  by  their  national  traditions,  have 


1316 


The    Public 


Twenty-first  Year 


rebelled  against  it,  crying  out  for  beauty  and  joy  and 
human  values  in  existence  which  the  Puritan  tradition 
in  America  has  always  discouraged.  So  we  have  an 
easy  satisfaction  with  our  material  success,  and  even 
a  pride  in  our  social  progress,  instead  of  that  fine 
anger  against  the  ugliness  and  sordidness  of  many  of 
our  surroundings  which  was  expressed  by  such  men  as 
Carlyle  and  Ruskin  and  William  Morris,  inspired  by 
the  vision  of  the  joyous  and  beautiful  thing  that  life 
might  be  under  other  conditions.  It  is  this  vision  that 
is  needed  in  America  at  the  present  day,  this  poetic 
and  humane  approach  to  life  that  only  art  can  give,  in 
order  to  counteract  the  acquisitive  instinct  and  the 
mechanistic  point  of  view,  and  to  impress  on  the  nation 
and  particularly  upon  the  rising  generation,  that  the 
most  real  and  most  beautiful  thing  is  not  the  art  of 
getting  on. 

Mr.  Brooks  brings  to  the  study  of  this  vitally 
interesting  problem  a  tempered  judgment,  logical 
thinking  and  restraint  which  make  his  book  a  most 
valuable   contribution   to   contemporary  criticism. 

As  though  in  answer  to  Mr.  Brooks'  indictment  of 
American  ideals  comes  "  The  Hive,"  by  Will  Levington 
Comfort,  which  reveals  a  little  idealistic  community 
devoted,  only  too  obviously,  to  the  pursuit  of  beaut} 
in  life  and  literature.  The  children  who  belong  to  the 
group  at  Stone  Study  are  encouraged  to  express  them- 
selves, especially  in  writing,  and  are  helped  to  over- 
come fear  and  sadness  and  selfishness  by  the  sheer 
weight  of  the  courage  and  joy  and  sympathy  that  is 
natural  to  them.  The  material  things  of  life  are  rele- 
gated to  their  duly  subordinate  position,  while  loveli- 
ness, both  physical  and  spiritual,  is  given  its  true  value. 
Racial  ideals  are  inculcated  and  the  necessity  of  a  new 
and  finer  social  order.  But  the  whole  scheme  is  vitiated 
by  the  strong  strain  of  mysticism  which  pervades  it, 
and  by  the  stress  laid  on  the  notion  of  "  the  inner  life," 
which  lead  to  a  mischievous  habit  of  introspection,  and 
to  vague  habits  of  thought.  Though  it  is  true  that  too 
few  parents  and  educators  trouble  to  discover  the  soul 
quality  of  children,  there  seems  something  forced  and 
unnatural  in  the  precocious  development  of  soul  which 
the  Stone  Study  method  appears  to  obtain.  One  fears 
that  it  is  not  from  a  community  such  as  this  that  the 
great  leaders  of  thought  and  expression  that  America 
needs  will  come,  for  there  is  no  short  cut  to  the  appre- 
ciation of  beauty  and  "  the  long  and  arduous  process  " 
of  personal  experience  cannot  be  dispensed  with  if  a 
man's  creative  work  is  to  have  any  weight  in  his 
generation. 

Blanche  Dismorr. 

News  Notes 

— The  New  York  Board  of  Education  has  recom- 
mended to  the  Board  of  Estimate  that  $50,000  be  ap- 
propriated for  the  establishment  of  a  lunch  system  for 
school  children. 

— The  Land  Bank  of  the  Spokane  district,  according 
to  a  report  of  D.  G.  O'Shea,  president,  has  loaned 
$19,359,695  to  8,300  farmers  since  April,  1917.    Upwards 


of  21,000  applications  for  loans,  covering  $55,000,000, 
were  received. 

— A  fleet  of  three  barges  and  a  towboat,  the  first  of 
the  Government  freight  boats  on  the  Mississippi,  is 
plying  between  St.  Louis  and  New  Orleans,  a  distance 
of  1,200  miles.  Thirty  more  boats  have  been  ordered 
built  as  the  trade  grows. 

— Daylight  saving  by  turning  the  clock  ahead  one 
hour  for  seven  months  is  estimated  to  have  saved  the 
country  1,250,000  tons  of  coal  and  $2,000,000  in  gas 
bills.  It  contributed  also  to  a  large  extent  toward  the 
success  of  the  war  gardens. 

— The  Federal  Government  has  begun  a  nation-wide 
campaign  for  the  total  eradication  of  tuberculosis  from 
cattle  and  hogs,  a  disease  that  costs  the  country  an 
average  of  $40,000,000  a  year,  besides  endangering  the 
lives  of  all  who  drink  milk  or  eat  pork. 

The  Tasmanian  Government  is  developing  large 

amounts  of  electric  power  from  the  mountain  lakes  and 
streams.  The  power  is  sold  in  large  quantities  as  low 
as  £2-5s.  per  unit  of  horse  power  a  year,  which  is  ex- 
pected to  counteract  the  high  cost  of  Australian  labor. 

— From  July  1  of  this  year  to  September  28  the  rail- 
roads of  the  country  handled  112,600  more  cars  of  grain 
than  during  the  same  period  of  1917,  according  to  fig- 
ures just  issued  by  Director-General  McAdoo.  This 
year's  figures  were  399,770  cars,  against  287,170  cars  last 
year. 

— Michigan's  jail  population,  according  to  Marl  T. 
Murray,  secretary  of  the  State  Board  of  Corrections 
and  Charities,  is  just  one-half  what  it  was  a  year  ago. 
Many  jails  are  without  any  inmates.  This  condition  is 
attributed  to  prohibition,  which  has  been  in  force  five 
months. 

— The  refusal  of  the  California  State  Board  of 
Control  to  approve  certain  expense  accounts  of  the 
Social  Insurance  Commission  has  interrupted  the  Com- 
mission's campaign  in  behalf  of  the  compulsory  health 
insurance  constitutional  amendment  to  be  voted  on  at 
the  November  election. 

— American  ship  production  for  the  twelve  months 
ending  October  1  amounted  to  seventy  per  cent  of  the 
world's  greatest  annual  pre-war  output.  The  greatest 
amount  was  in  1913,  when  the  dead-weight  tonnage  was 
4,750,000  tons.  The  American  production  for  the  past 
twelve  months  was  2,900,000  tons. 

— Connecticut  is  unable,  because  of  the  war  demand 
for  labor,  to  fill  her  rural  schools  with  teachers  at  $15 
a  week.  Many  schools  in  consequence  were  without 
teachers  at  the  beginning  of  the  fall  term.  There  ap- 
pears to  be  no  escape  from  the  necessity  of  putting  the 
teacher  on  the  same  footing  as  other  workers. 

— Discussing  the  action  of  the  United  States  Steel 
Corporation  in  advancing  wages  and  granting  the  basic 
eight-hour  day  while  continuing  its  refusal  to  recognize 
unions,  Secretary  Frank  Morrison  of  the  American 
Federation  of  Labor  said :  "  The  trade  union  movement 
insists  that  high  wages  and  kind  masters  is  not  democ- 
racy." 


October  19,  1918 


A    Journal    of    Democracy 


1317 


— The  Canadian  Government,  which  once  thought  the 
forests  of  that  country  inexhaustible,  finds  it  necessary 
to  conserve  its  resources.  The  Forestry  Branch  of  the 
Department  of  the  Interior  is  recommending  a  survey 
of  the  timber  still  standing  in  Eastern  Canada,  and  an 
examination  of  the  cut-over  lands  with  a  view  to  re- 
forestration. 

—There  are  in  the  United  States  5,000,000  automo- 
biles. Allowing  five  passengers  to  a  car,  they  could 
carry  25,000,000  passengers.  The  55,705  railroad  pas- 
senger cars  represent  a  seating  capacity  of  3,500,000. 
To  handle  as  many  passengers  as  the  autos  would  re- 
quire 60,000  new  cars,  costing  $660,000,000,  and  14,972 
locomotives,  costing  $524,000,000. 

— New  Orleans  has  formed  a  War  Labor  Board  after 
the  plan  of  the  Taft- Walsh  board,  for  the  purpose  of 
settling  local  labor  troubles.  The  board  consists  of 
twelve  members,  six  representing  employers,  three  rep- 
resenting white  labor  and  three  representing  Negro 
labor.  The  purpose  is  to  adjust  as  many  disputes  as 
possible  without  appealing  to  Washington. 

— Town  planning  is  receiving  enthusiastic  support  in 
South  Australia  in  connection  with  the  repatriation  of 
her  soldiers.  On  the  banks  of  the  Murray  a  large  train- 
ing farm  is  turning  soldiers  into  agriculturists,  who  are 
given  land  of  their  own  as  soon  as  they  obtain  diplomas 
of  efficiency.  Community  centers  in  town  and  country 
are  provided  for  in  the  new  plans  of  settlement. 

— The  War  Labor  Policies  Board  has  abandoned  its 
widely  heralded  plan  for  standardizing  wages,  accord- 
ing to  Washington  reports.  A  substitute  plan  has  been 
adopted  by  which  wage  adjustments,  before  being  put 
into  effect  by  any  Government  Department  or  Wage 
Board,  shall  be  submitted  to  a  new  body  composed  of 
two  representatives  from  the  wage  adjustment  board  of 
each  Government  department  or  agency. 

— A  committee  has  been  appointed  by  the  Common- 
wealth Board  of  Trade  to  investigate  the  facilities  for 
raising  cotton  in  Australia  and  thereby  contribute  to 
Great  Britain's  needs  for  that  commodity.  Cotton  rais- 
ing, to  a  limited  extent,  has  been  tried  in  Queensland 
with  good  success,  the  amount  of  cotton  accepted  by 


The  Public 


A    Journal   of  Democracy* 

Founded  and  Edited,   1898-1913,   by  Louis   F.   Post 

and  Alice  Thachee  Post 

Editors  : 

JOHN  WILLIS  SLAUGHTER        GEORGE   P.   WEST 

STOUGHTON  COOLEY 

Business  Manager  :  STANLEY  BOWMAR 

Published  Weekly  by 

The  public  Publishing  Company,   Inc. 

122  East  Thirty-seventh  Street,  New  York  City 


Single  Copy,  Ten  Cents 
Canadian,  $2.50 


Yearly  Subscription,  $2.00 
Foreign,  $3.00 


Entered  as  Second-Class  Matter  January  11,  1917,  at 

the  Post  Office  at  New  York,  N.  Y.,  under  the 

Act  of  March  8,  1879 


the   Department   of   Agriculture   in   May,    1918,   being 
46,977  pounds,  as  against  10,163  pounds  in  May,  1917. 

— In  order  that  the  voters  of  Massachusetts  might 
have  no  excuse  for  not  understanding  the  nineteen 
constitutional  amendments  to  be  submitted  at  the  com- 
ing election,  700,000  pamphlets  have  been  published  ex- 
plaining them.  Among  the  amendments  submitted  by 
the  Constitutional  Convention  are  those  establishing  the 
initiative  and  referendum,  the  acquisition  by  the  State 
of  its  natural  resources,  biennial  elections,  and  the 
regulation  of  billboard  advertising. 

— Able-bodied  men  over  draft  age  can  be  made  skilled 
workers  in  training  schools  now  maintained  in  many 
large  factories,  says  the  United  States  Employment 
Service  Bulletin.  "  The  war  has  proved  that  age  is  not 
a  bar  to  the  attainment  of  efficiency  in  a  new  trade," 
says  the  bulletin.  "  The  man  past  fifty  has  come  back 
to  renewed  usefulness  in  lines  of  work  never  previously 
tried,  and  from  all  parts  of  the  country  reports  are 
proving  his  great  possibilities,  including  most  lines  of 
essential  industries." 

— Dr.  S.  Josephine  Baker  of  New  York  City  quotes 
statistics  of  the  French  army  and  the  New  York  Health 
Board  to  support  her  statement  that  "  there  is  three 
times  as  much  danger  in  being  a  baby  in  a  cradle  in  a 
crowded  city  as  in  being  a  soldier  in  the  trenches  in 
France."  She  attributes  the  high  infant  mortality  rate 
in  the  large  cities  to  crowded  living  conditions,  under- 
nourishment both  of  babies  and  of  mothers,  lack  of 
proper  medical  attention,  and  the  fact  that  the  mothers 
work  too  soon  before  and  after  the  babies  are  born. 

— The  first  conference  of  trade  union  women,  called 
by  the  United  States  Government,  concluded  its  sessions 
in  Washington  on  the  5th.  Twenty-five  women  repre- 
senting national  and  international  labor  organizations 
were  present  and  adopted  a  platform  of  principles.  It 
calls  for  a  rigid  enforcement  of  the  principle  of  equal 
pay  for  equal  work,  the  fixing  of  the  minimum  wage  for 
a  woman  with  dependents  the  same  as  man,  the  appoint- 
ment of  women  on  all  labor  boards,  the  eight-hour  day, 
better  pay  for  school  teachers,  the  enforcement  of  sani- 
tary regulations,  and  the  principle  of  health  insurance. 

— After  stating  that  the  reports  and  rumors  that  he 
had  read  in  the  daily  press  had  aroused  in  him  an  in- 
tense antagonism  toward  the  Farmers'  Nonpartisan 
League,  J.  C.  Cook,  prosecuting  attorney  of  Dodge 
County,  Nebraska,  announced  that  after  a  thorough  in- 
vestigation he  was  convinced  of  the  League's  loyalty. 
He  had  issued  a  warrant  for  the  arrest  of  a  League 
organizer,  and  his  investigation  was  for  the  purpose  of 
gathering  evidence  and  preparing  his  case.  When  he 
had  concluded  it  he  went  into  court  and  asked  for-  the 
discharge  of  the  defendant.  "  I  find  that,  instead  of 
being  a  hindrance  to  the  Government,  the  League  has 
been  of  invaluable  assistance  in  spreading  patriotic 
propaganda,"  said  Mr.  Cook. 

— Congressman  Benjamin  Hilliard  of  Denver,  Colo., 
an  active  member  of  the  labor  group  in  Congress,  is 
being  opposed  for  re-election  by  the  National  Security 
League  on  the  ground  that  he  did  not  vote  for  various 


1318 


The    Public 


Twenty-first  Year 


preparedness  bills  and  early  resolutions  looking  toward 
war.  Speaker  Clark  and  Majority  Leader  Kitchin  have 
sent  to  Denver  a  telegram  saying :  "  Nobody  in  Wash- 
ington questions  his  sincere  motives  and  patriotism,  and 
all  here  admire  his  courageous  qualities.  No  man  in 
either  House  of  Congress  has  given  more  loyal  and 
industrious  aid  in  the  vigorous  prosecution  of  the  war. 
It  is  unjust  to  question  his  loyalty.  No  member  of 
Congress  questions  it.  He  has  the  esteem  and  confi- 
dence of  the  entire  membership  of  the  House." 

— The  I.  W.  W.  movement  is  making  great  headway 
in  Australia,  in  spite  of  the  losing  of  the  general  strike 
in  1917,  according  to  the  Melbourne  correspondent  of 
the  Christian  Science  Monitor.  The  most  powerful 
unions  of  New  South  Wales  met  in  July  and  decided  to 
organize  along  industrial  lines,  as  advocated  by  the 
I.  W.  W.  The  New  South  Wales  Conference  Board 
adopted  the  I.  W.  W.  preamble  almost  word  for  word. 
A  similar  conference  was  to  be  held  in  Victoria,  where 


A 


PERVERTED  Prussia  and 
an  Archaic  Kaiser !  ' ' 
Read  Israel  ZangwilTs 
searching  analysis  of  the  ideals  and 
"  national  mission  "  of  Germany, 
England,  America,  Japan,  Judaea — 
in  one  of  the  most  brilliant  masterpieces 
the  war  has  brought  forth :  "  Chosen 
Peoples:  The  Hebraic  Ideal  versus  the 
Teutonic  "—published  in  THE  MENO- 
RAH  JOURNAL  for  October.  Unless  you 
send  for  a  copy  immediately,  your  chance 
of  getting  one  will  be  slim  (the  last  two  issues 
of  the  Journal  were  quickly  exhausted).  The 
October  number  contains  many  other  notable 
features,  including  further  contributions  to  the 
Symposium  on  "Palestine  Regained — What 
Thenf"  by  Prof.  Roland  G.  Usher,  Dr.  John 
Haynes  Holmes,  Albert  M.  Hyamson,  author  of 
"  Palestine,"  and  others.  Send  for  it  at  once 
(35  cts. ),  or  better  still,  subscribe  for  a  year, 
$2.00,  and  get  all  the  other  good  things  in 
store  for  Menorah  readers  in  the  months  to 
come !  Address  The  Menorah  Journal,  600 
Madison  Avenue,   New  York. 


the  labor  movement  is  more  conservative.  The  I.  W.  W. 
of  Australia  preach  both  political  and  industrial  ac- 
tion, but  faith  in  political  action  is  said  to  have  been 
weakened  by  labor's  experience  with  Premier  Hughes, 
who  was  elected  as  a  laborite  and  then  went  over  to 
the  opposition.  In  the  last  federal  election  Mr.  Hughes 
was  re-elected  as  head  of  the  Nationalist  ticket. 


NEWS-STAND  distribution 
for    a     paper     like     The 
Public  is  the  most  waste- 
ful item  in  its  budget. 

To  live  up  to  the  ruling  of  the 
War  Industries  Board  that  pa- 
per must  be  conserved,  The 
Public  will  not  be  distributed  to 
news  stands  with  the  return 
privilege  after  the  issue  of  Oc- 
tober 26  th. 

Readers  of  The  Public  who 
have  been  buying  it  at  the  bet- 
ter news  stands,  should  place  a 
definite  order  with  the  dealer, 
or  subscribe. 

Special  Offer. — A  check  for  $2.10,  sent  direct  to 
us,  will  cover  a  subscription  for  26  weeks  and  a 
copy  of  "Co-operation"  by  Emerson  P.  Harris. 
This  new  book  is  incomparably  the  best  book  on 
the  co-operative  movement  and  sells  regularly 
for  $2.00.  Because  we  have  ordered  a  special 
edition  we  are  able  to  offer  it  with  The  Public  at 
a  greatly  reduced  price.  The  Public,  122  East 
Thirty-3eventh  Street,   New   York. 


On    the    Enforcement    of    Law 
In    Cities     By  Brand    Whit  lock 

This  little  book  throws  a  flood  of  light  on  the  problem  of  the  saloon,  the 

social  evil  and  gambling  In  cities.     Public  officials  and  those  interested  in 

the  true  solution  of  this  problem  should  distribute  the  book  widely. 

50c.  a  Copy,  postpaid;  10  copies,  S3. 50. 

The  Public  Book  Department,  122  E.  37th  St.,  New  York. 


1111 


The  Complete  Works 

of 

Henry  George 

in 

Ten  Volumes 

Volume  I — Progress  and  Poverty.  II — Social  Problems.  Ill — The 
Land  Quttion.  IV — Protection  or  Free  Trade.  V — A  Perplexed 
Philosopher.  VI  and  VII  —  The  Science  of  Political  Economy. 
VIII  —  Our  Land  and  Land  Policy.  IX  and  X  —  The  Life  of 
Henry  George,  by  his  son,  Henry  George,  Jr.  The  ten  volumes 
handsomely  bound  in  buckram,  gilt  tops,  untrimmed  edges,  with 
a  lull  set  of  portraits,  will  be  delivered  anywhere  in  the     d>i  o 

United  States  or  Canada  for «P  x  *• 

A  Special  Edition  bound  in  Green  Leather,  $17. 

The  Public  StS^SSL  New  York 


October  19,  1918 


A    Journal    of    Democracy 


1319 


■in1 


Team    Work 


The  ROLL  of 
WORKERS  for 
AUGUST  and 
SEPTEMBER 

Eoeryone  listed  below  sent  in 
August  and  September,  one 
or  more  new  subscriptions  to 
The  Public  or  has  cooperated 
in  other  ways. 


TT  ain't  the  individual, 

Or  the  army  as  a  whole, 
But  the  everlasting  team  work, 
Of  every  blooming  soul. 

— Kipling. 


Affeld,  W.  C. 
Allen,  Mrs.  H.  L. 
Allen,  John  H. 
Anderson,  A.  L. 
Bartlett,  Gus. 
Bascom,  S.  A. 
Belknapp,  Mrs.  William 
Belknapp,  Hon.  William 
Bell,  Chas.  S. 
Benedict,  Ruth 
Bernstein,  W. 
Blauvelt,  J.  G. 
Bock,  Otto 
Brannin,  Carl 
Brown,  Herbert  S. 
Brownlee,  Janet  L. 
Buel,  Lucy  B. 
Buffham,  W.  K. 
Bullis,  V.  L. 
Burnham,  E.  Lewis 
Butler,  F.  D. 
Campbell,  W.  N. 
Capen,  Wm.  H. 
Caroline,  Mary 
Carret,  James  R. 
Carter,  Howard 
Chapman,  W.  B. 
Clement,  W.  E. 
Clifford,  H.  B. 
Cochran,  Wm.  F. 
Coleman,  W.  J. 
Colwick,  Hon.  A.  M. 
Coonley,  Mrs. 
Coulter,  F.  E. 
Culbertson,  Joe  W. 
Cullman,  Otto 
Davis,  Otto  W. 
de  Haas,  Mrs.  J. 
Delsing,  Henry 
DeMey,  Emile  J. 
Dickey,  L.  S. 
Dummer,  C.  H. 
Dummer,  Mrs.  W.  F. 


Durkee,  H.  S. 
Duvall,  W.  T. 
Eberhard,  Geo.  H. 
Eddy,  Miss  Sarah  J. 
Edwards,  Marguerite 
Engeleke,  H.  A. 
Fels,  Mrs.  Joseph 
Fitch,  Marie  B. 
Fuchs,  A.  G. 
Fuller,  James  C. 
George,  W.  D. 
Gerken,  Edw. 
Graham,  J.  S. 
Gruenberg,  Benj.  C. 
Grunewald,  Carl  F. 
Hahn,  H.  V. 
Hanley,  Edw.  J. 
Harper,  S.  J. 
Harrold,  H.  W. 
Hartley,  B. 
Hatch,  Harvey  J. 
Hawes,  Edith 
Heberling,  W.  L. 
Heywood,  H. 
Hicks,  Miss  Amy  Mali 
Hill,  Walter  N. 
Hockaday,  M.  W. 
Hoffman,  Wm.  G. 
Hooper,  Ben. 
Ingram,  F.  F. 
Jackson,  Amos 
Jenkins,  C.  N. 
Johnson,  Wm. 
Jordan,  David  Starr 
Jordan,  Hilda  S. 
Kane,  Florence  B. 
Kent,  Hon.  William 
Kiefer,  Alfred 
Klein,  Emanuel  M. 
Knox,  T. 
Kreidler,  A.  G. 
Krug,  Julia 
Leonard,  Wm.  E. 


Lingham,  C.  A. 
Loucke,  H.  L. 
Macintosh,  C.  N. 
Mack,  Judge  Julian  W. 
Maguire,  H.  C. 
Mathews,  Wm. 
May,  Marcus 
McGuffey,  John  H. 
Miller,  J.  D. 
Moulton,  C.  Robert 
Murphy,  Louis  S. 
Murray,  R.  C. 
Northrup,  E.  D. 
O'Leary,  R.  D. 
Otis,  A.  S. 
Paulsen,  G.  M. 
Pearson,  John  A. 
Peter,  Stephen 
Peters,  M.  H. 
Phelps,  Mrs.  L.  L. 
Pickrell,  Mrs.  M. 
Playter,  Geo.  H. 
Randall,  Frances  A. 
Rice,  Wallace 
Robison,  G. 
Robison,  L. 
Rockwood,  E.  F. 
Roehm,  A.  C. 
Rosiko,  J. 
Russell,  C.  H. 


Scofield,  E.  M. 
Searle,  R.  A. 
Shipman,  Margaret 
Sittig,  Walter  A. 
Smith,  W.  K. 
Smith,  Cecil  H. 
Snodgrass,  Wm. 
Snyder,  Chas.  E. 
Stary,  Louis 
Sternheim,  Rabbi 
Sullivan,  P.  H. 
Thornton,  R.  W. 
Toole,  A.  L. 
Tulloch,  S.  W. 
Turner,  L.  O. 
TJ'Ren,  W.  S. 
Warwick,  W.  W. 
Westall,  H.  A. 
Westerdahl,  A.  R. 
Westrup,  E.  T. 
White,  C.  A. 
White,  Laura  R. 
Whitney,  O.  C. 
Wilcox,  Jennie  A. 
Wilson,  Henry  H. 
Wingate,  Chas.  H. 
Woods,  C.  F. 
Young,  Fred 
Zane,  N.  B. 


THE  PUBLIC, 

122  Bast  37th  Street,  New  York. 

Please  send  The  Public  to  the  three  introductory 
subscriptions  herewith,  and  send  me  a  copy  of 
your  special  edition  of  "  Co-operation,"*  by  Emer- 
son P.  Harris,  bound  in  cloth.     I  enclose  $2.45. 


Name 


m 


Address 


*  Standard   Edition   of   Co-operation   sells  regu- 
larly at  $2  net. 

■ 


1320 


The    Public 


Twenty-first  Year  ( 


"You're  Afraid" 

"I  ain't  afraid" 
"You  are" 
"I  ain't" 


ii 


You 


are 


J9 


What  would  have  happened  next  if  you  were  a  boy?  A  Frightful  mix-up — With  the  calm 
unreasonableness  of  youth  these  two  boys  fought  without  even  knowing  each  other — just  as 
you  have  fought  many  a  time — just  because  you  couldn't  help  it. 

MARK  TWAIN 

25  Volumes — Novels — Boys*  Stories — Humor — Essays — Travel — History 

No  wonder  our  soldiers  and  sailors  like  Mark  Twain  best.  No  wonder  the  boys  at  Annapolis  told  Secretary 
Daniels  that  they  would  rather  have  Mark  Twain  than  anyone  else.  To  them,  as  to  you,  Mark  Twain  is  the  spirit 
of  undying  youth — the  spirit  of  real  Americanism — for  he  who  came  out  of  that  loafing-out-at-the-elbows-down-at-the- 
heels  Mississippi  town — he  has  passed  on  to  the  world  the  glory  of  our  inspiring  Americanism — the  serious  purpose 
that  underlies  our  laughter — for  to  Mark  Twain  humor  is  only  incidental — and  he  has  made  eternal  the  springs  of  its 
youth  and  enthusiasm. 

Take  Huckleberry  Finn  and  Tom  Sawyer  by  the  hand  and  go  back  to  your  own  boyhood. 


A  Big  Human  Soul 

Perhaps  you  think  you  have  read  a  good  deal 
of  Mark  Twain.  Are  you  sure?  Have  you 
read  all  the  novels?  Have  you  read  all  the 
short  stories?  Have  you  read  all  the  brilliant 
fighting  essays? — all  the  humorous  ones  and  the 
historical    ones? 

Think  of  It — 25  volumes  filled  with  the  laugh- 
ter and  the  tears  and  the  fighting  that  made 
Mark  Twain  so  wonderful.  He  was  a  bountiful 
giver  of  joy  and  humor.  He  was  yet  much 
more,  for,  while  he  laughed  with  the  world,  his 
lonely  spirit  struggled  with  the  sadness  of  hu- 
man life,  and  sought  to  find  the  key.  Beneath 
the  laughter  is  a  big  human  soul,  a  big  phi- 
losopher. 

The  Great  American 

He  was  an  American.  He  had  the  Idealism 
of     America — the     humor,     the     kindness,      the 


reaching  toward  a  bigger  thing,  the  simplicity. 
Born  poor — growing  up  in  a  shabby  little  town 
on  the  Mississippi — a  pilot — a  seeker  for  gold — 
a  printer — Mark  Twain  was  moulded  on  the 
frontier  of  America.  The  vastness  of  the  West 
— the  fearlessness  of  the  pioneer — the  clear 
philosophy  of  the  country  boy  were  his — and 
they  stayed  with  him  to  the  last  of  those 
glorious  later  days — when  Emperors  and  Kings 
— Chinese  Mandarin  and  plain  American,  all 
alike,  wept  for  him.  In  his  work  we  find  all 
things,  from  the  ridiculous  in  "  Huckleberry 
Finn  "  to  the  sublime  of  "  Joan  of  Arc  " — the 
most  spiritual  book  that  was  ever  written  in 
the  English  language,  of  serene  and  lovely 
beauty,  as  lofty  as  Joan  herself.  A  man  who 
could  write  two  such  books  as  "  Huckleberry 
Finn "  and  "  Joan  of  Arc "  was  sublime  In 
power.  His  youth  and  his  laughter  are  eternal; 
his  genius  will   never  die. 


Low  Price  Sale  Must  Stop  /'"  h 

Mark  Twain  wanted  everyone  in  America  to  own  a  set  of  his  books.    So  one  of       .  '     &  Brother* 
the  last  things  he  asked  was  that  we  make  a  set  so  low  a  price  that  everyone       „  p      .  t.    «, 

might  own  it.     He  said:      "Don't  make  fine  editions.     Don't  make  editions  to  '  rranklin  Square, 

sell  for  $200  and  $300  and  $1,000.     Make  good  books,  books  good  to  look  at  '  New  'ork 

and  easy  to  read,  and  make  their  price  low."     So  we  have  made  this  set.  '     Send     me        all 

And  up   to  now  we  have   been  able   to  sell   it  at  this   low  price.      Rising  . '     charges     prepaid      a 

costs  make  It  impossible  to  continue  the  sale  of  Mark  Twain  at  a  low  .  '    set    of    Mark    Twain's 

price.      New   editions   will   cost   very   much   more   than   this  Author's  '    Works     in     25     volumes 

National   Edition.      A  few   months  ago   we   had   to  raise   the  price  .       illustrated,      bound     In 

a   little.      That   raise   in    price    was   a   very   small    one.      It    does  ,       handsome  green  cloth, 

not   matter   much   if   you   missed    it.      But   now    the   price   must  /       stamped     in     gold,      with 

go    up    again.      You    must   act    at    once.      You    must    sign    and  ,      trimmed    edges.      If    not    satis- 

mail    the    coupon    now.      If   you    want    a    set    at   a   popular  /      factory,    I    will    return    them    at 

price,     do    not    delay.       This    edition    will    soon    be    with-  /      your    expense.      Otherwise    I    will 

drawn,    and    then    you    will    pay    considerably    more    for  /      send  you  $1  within  5  days  and  $2  a 

your  Mark  Twain.     The  last  of  the  edition  is  in  sight.  ^      month   for   14   months.      For  cash,   de- 

There  will  never  again  be  a  set  of  Mark  Twain  at 
the  present  price.  Now  is  your  opportunity  to  save 
money.  Now  is  the  time  to  send  the  coupon  to  get 
your   Mark   Twain. 


•      duct   8  per  cent  from  remittance. 
Name    


f  f  p      Ty  ,  1  Established  1817 

rlarper  &  DrOtnerS    Franklin  Square,  New  York 


I   Address    

I        To    get    the    red,    hall'  leather    binding, 
I    change  terms  to  $2.50  w.thin  5  days,  and 


$4    a   month    for    15   months. 


*£§><&*" 


THE    WILLIAMS    POINTING    COMPANY,    NEW    YOHK 


fr& 


'-.:  •■ 


■' 


' 


mSI 


■V'T-  5m3 


\  V 


